ConflictClarifier

2026 Iran-Gulf Crisis Tracker
CC
Events Archive
strikeApr 12, 2026

The art of the table: Pakistan’s history of making adversaries talk | The Express Tribune

Summary

The art of the table: Pakistan’s history of making adversaries talk Fifty years of brokering peace for others, can the 'Islamabad Talks' mark a turning point for Pakistan’s diplomacy? For a country long typecast as a source of regional instability, Pakistan pulled off something for the books. After almost six weeks of conflict between the United States, Israel, and Iran, it was Islamabad that brokered a two-week ceasefire – maintaining a careful balancing act throughout, avoiding alignment with either side while quietly working to open channels for de-escalation. With less than two hours before US President Donald Trump's deadline for Tehran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, who warned “a whole civilisation will die tonight, never to be brought back again”, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif announced that both sides had agreed to an immediate ceasefire. The praise that followed was swift and global, with world leaders lined up to congratulate Pakistan. The Malaysian prime minister called Islamabad's efforts "tireless and courageous" while Kazakhstan's president attributed the agreement directly to the mediation of Prime Minister Shehbaz and Chief of Defence Forces and Chief of Army Staff Field Marshal Asim Munir. However, for those who have watched Pakistan's diplomatic history closely, it is not the first time Pakistan has found itself at the centre of a geopolitical breakthrough – and that pattern, as much as the ceasefire itself, is worth examining. We’ve been here before "Pakistan's peace initiative will go down in diplomatic history as a milestone," said Masood Khalid, former ambassador of Pakistan to China. "The international community is fully supportive of Pakistan's peace efforts," he stated. He added, "Pakistan wants the two parties to realise the cost of their failure to reach a modus vivendi" but said that regardless, Pakistan would not be a loser "as it has made sincere efforts to provide a platform for Iran and the US to resolve their issues." However, the former ambassador remains measured regarding what comes next. "As regards the future trajectory, that depends on the US and Iran to find a middle ground, which is no doubt challenging, but still doable. Flexibility, maturity and rationality is needed in these talks to avoid a future crisis from erupting," he noted. Meanwhile, major general (retired) Inam ul Haque urges restraint in how the moment is interpreted. "We should not be too early to jump to conclusions," he said. "We should wait for the process to run its full course and then make an opinion as to where it is leading," he stated before the talks ended without an agreement on Sunday. Responding to whose diplomatic achievement it was, he remained cautious. "We should not give verdicts like whose big diplomatic achievement this is. It is the diplomatic achievement for peace, for Pakistan, for the US, for Iran, for all the stakeholders," Haque maintained. The quiet facilitator Brokering peace in a time of heightened global tensions is, in many ways, a familiar role for Pakistan. The country has a quiet but consequential history of making itself indispensable at moments when the world's great powers cannot, or will not, talk to each other directly. One such example was in 1971, when Washington and Beijing had not spoken in over two decades. It was through Islamabad that the first signals were passed – Pakistan's back channels to China gave then-US secretary of state Henry Kissinger a secret route to Beijing. His covert flight, routed through Islamabad, made Nixon's historic 1972 visit to China possible. This led to Nixon's famous handshake with Mao Zedong and the broader detente between the two countries, accompanied with the US' recognition of communist China. Pakistan hadn't just facilitated a meeting, it had helped rewire the global order. Read More: One message tipped the scales According to Ambassador Khalid, "In 1971, Pakistan played a seminal role in bringing about a rapprochement between the USA and China, and that changed global politics." He added, "Chinese leaders even today acknowledge our contribution. American leaders like Dr Kissinger also acknowledged our role." Major general Haque went further: "Pakistan was instrumental in patching up between China and the US in the 1970s. As far as our balancing act between China and the US is concerned, our foreign office and our establishment is very experienced in doing that. We have been walking this tight diplomatic road for a long time and we have been doing it very successfully." A decade and a half after aiding the US-China rapprochement, Pakistan was again at the centre of history. The 1988 Geneva Accords, which ended the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan, were made possible in large part by Pakistan's role as a key conduit for the Afghan mujahideen and key interlocutor between Washington and the Afghan factions. The accords, a bilateral agreement between Afghanistan and Pakistan, included the US and the Soviet Union as guarantors. It laid out the terms and timeline for the return of refugees and the withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan. Although Afghan unrest continued after the Soviet withdrawal, Pakistan, through strategic maneuvering of its diplomatic relationships, had managed to bring together the US and Soviet Union during the tense Cold War period, with both powers remaining guarantors of non-interference and non-intervention. The cost Pakistan paid for that role was concrete and lasting. Pakistan's economy was burdened by feeding millions of Afghan refugees for nearly a decade, while the country absorbed the narcotics trade and arms factionalism that the war had seeded across its western border – consequences that would define Pakistani society for a generation. Then came Doha in 2020, when Pakistan was again quietly instrumental in bringing the Taliban to the table, facilitating the agreement that was celebrated internationally as a landmark diplomatic achievement. The Doha Accords, known also as the Agreement for Bringing Peace to Afghanistan, saw Pakistan leverage its relationship with Washington and its influence with Taliban leadership to help end the long-running war. The agreement laid out fighting restrictions for both parties as well as the withdrawal of all NATO forces from Afghanistan in return for counter-terrorism commitments from the Taliban. "Be it the Geneva Accords or the Doha Accords, Pakistan has shown its commitment to peace and its capacity to deliver," said Ambassador Khalid. Also Read: How Pakistan brokered a two-week ceasefire deal between US, Iran? Pakistan's former permanent representative to the United Nations Dr Maleeha Lodhi, in a 2021 interview, also credited Islamabad for its role in the negotiation process. She stated that Pakistan kept the channel of communication open with the Taliban, adding, "If we hadn't, Pakistan would not have been able to play the constructive role it played in helping in the sequence of events that led to the Doha agreement between the US and the Taliban." The commitments of the accords, however, did not hold. Part of the Doha pact was an assurance that Afghanistan would not allow any terrorist group to use its soil to attack a foreign country, yet in the years that followed, the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan grew stronger, not weaker, operating from Afghan territory with training camps across Kunar, Nangarhar and Khost. Pakistan had helped broker a deal whose blowback landed squarely on itself. The dividend question Three moments, three generations, a strikingly consistent pattern – and a question that refuses to go away: what has Pakistan actually walked away with? The Geneva Accords left Pakistan managing millions of Afghan refugees and a narco-arms economy that would haunt it for decades. Doha produced neither security nor economic reward, only a more emboldened Taliban on its border and a deepening insurgency at home. By 2025, Pakistan was experiencing six times as many terrorist incidents as it did in 2020, the year the Doha Accords were signed. Nixon's opening to China also reshaped the world, but Pakistan remained on the margins of what followed. According to Khalid, "Whether Pakistan reaped strategic dividends or not is debatable." "I don't think it can be gauged in net loss or gain, it depended on the obtaining situation and geopolitical dynamics of the time," he said. In the current context, he argued, the measure should be different. "The biggest dividend would be if Pakistan's peace efforts are crowned with success. Pakistan is not a party in this conflict. Pakistan is a facilitator, mediator, and an honest broker." Haque, meanwhile, rejected the premise of the question: "I don't agree that Pakistan could not reap the strategic dividends of earlier diplomatic achievements," he said, adiing, "The mere fact that you are acknowledged as a big player which is influential at the global stage, that is important." He also draws a pointed analogy: "When Norway goes for mediation on the Afghanistan issue, it doesn't expect any diplomatic dividends or windfalls." For Haque, the recognition itself is the reward. "Pakistan is one of 200 United Nations members singly handling a very complex issue on which global peace is dependent. The mere fact that Pakistan is in the limelight for the right reasons globally; that is a great achievement," he maintained. The "Islamabad Talks" What makes Pakistan's brokering between Tehran and Washington different from its past endeavours is not just what Pakistan did – it is what everyone else didn't. Major powers including Russia, China, the European Union, Egypt, and Turkiye had resigned to fate and taken a backseat, leaving a vacuum that Islamabad chose to fill. In previous episodes, Pakistan was a corridor through which great powers moved. This time, it moved on its own. That movement did not happen overnight. Two turning points had rebuilt Pakistan's trust with Washington in the years prior: the capture of a suspect linked to the 2021 Kabul airport bombing, which prompted public thanks from President Trump, and the four-day war with India in May of 2025, which analysts said gave Pakistan's military leadership a significant boost in diplomatic credentials. By the time the Iran war began, CDF Munir, whom Trump had taken to calling his "favourite field marshal", had become the only serving military chief at the World Economic Forum in Davos, and had spoken with Vice President JD Vance multiple times since hostilities began. The groundwork for Pakistan's emergence as a key channel for peace was, thus, laid carefully. Before the "Islamabad Talks" even began, Islamabad had hosted a quadrilateral foreign ministers' meeting with representatives from Turkiye, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt, building a regional coalition behind its mediation efforts rather than simply offering itself as a venue. The role itself had also changed in kind. Islamabad transitioned from crisis mediator to host of high-stakes negotiations, with Vance travelling alongside senior envoys Jared Kushner and Steve Witkoff, and Iran sending Parliament Speaker Ghalibaf and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi to negotiate on Pakistani soil. What followed were the highest-level direct talks between the US and Iran since the 1979 Islamic Revolution – 21 hours of negotiations that the world watched. However, they ended without a deal. Vance departed, crediting Pakistan directly, saying, "whatever shortcomings of the negotiation, it wasn't because of the Pakistanis who did an amazing job and really tried to help us and the Iranians bridge the gap and get to a deal." Foreign Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar, in the aftermath of the talks, urged both sides to uphold the ceasefire and maintain the talks' positive spirit. "Pakistan has been and will continue to play its role to facilitate engagement and dialogue," he said. It was a sentence Pakistan has, in different words, said before; after Geneva, after Doha, after 1971. What Pakistan has consistently demonstrated is its ability to bring adversaries to the table. Where it has struggled, over decades of quiet diplomacy, is sustaining influence once the talks move beyond the room. That, perhaps, is the question the “Islamabad Talks” leave behind: not whether Pakistan can convene dialogue, but whether it can shape what endures after it.

Actors involved

USIsraelIranUNRussiaChina

Sources

See this event through different lenses

Compare how Western, Iranian, Israeli, Global South, and Pro-Peace perspectives frame this event.

Compare Perspectives

Community Notes

Community Notes

Loading notes...

Related events

strikeUnverifiedUSIsraelIran
1 source

President Donald Trump has made another bombastic pronouncement amid the war with Iran. On Tuesday, he shared a map labeling the Strait of Hormuz “NEW U.S. Territory,” via his Truth Social platform. Iran has continued to stress that the strait will not be fully reopened until Washington meets its slew of demands, including ending its blockade on Iranian shipping and scrapping oil sanctions.

Ship Hit in Strait Just hours before Trump’s latest post, a vessel exiting the Strait of Hormuz was struck by an unidentified projectile off the coast of Oman. According to the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations, the ship’s engine room was hit, resulting in a “crew casualty.

” Officials did not immediately identify the vessel or its cargo. The Omani Coast Guard said it was assisting the remaining crew as authorities investigated the incident. Iran’s Stranglehold on the Strait Since the United States and Israel launched attacks on the Islamic Republic on February 28, Iran has tightly restricted shipping through the waterway.

Prior to the war, around one-fifth of globally traded oil passed through Hormuz. Iranian parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf said Tuesday that Tehran would maintain its restrictions until Washington fulfilled what Iran considers its commitments under the interim U.

S.-Iran agreement struck in June. Those demands include lifting the U.S. blockade of Iranian ports, releasing frozen Iranian assets, removing sanctions on Iranian oil and gas exports, and ending U.S. military threats and operations. “Until the United States fulfills its commitments under the agreement … the Strait of Hormuz will not reopen,” Qalibaf said.

Blockade Vs. Territory Asked in the Oval Office on Monday about his earlier suggestion that Hormuz could become American territory, the president said he liked the idea. “We control it with the blockade, and I like the idea of declaring it a territory,” Trump told reporters, adding: “We have total control over the strait now.

” Washington’s blockade is hitting Iranian shipping hard. U.S. Central Command said Monday that American forces had redirected 64 commercial vessels, disabled three ships, and boarded another two as part of the renewed blockade. That does not mean Washington has eliminated Iran’s ability to disrupt other shipping.

Tuesday’s unexplained attack came after a string of strikes on vessels attempting to navigate the area. Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi also rejected Trump’s territorial claim on Tuesday, describing it as a “delusion.” Tehran has repeatedly maintained that it, rather than Washington, will determine when normal passage through the strait resumes.

Iran and Oman Near Deal Complicating matters further are separate negotiations between Iran and Oman, the two countries sitting on opposite sides of the strait. Iran said Monday that the two governments were finalizing details of an agreement concerning shipping routes through Hormuz.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said an “understanding has been reached regarding the map of the transit route.” Trump responded by threatening Oman, a longstanding U.S. partner, telling Fox News that Washington would “bomb the shit out of them” if Muscat “gets in the way.

” The diplomatic clock has already run down. The 60-day negotiating period established by the June memorandum between Washington and Tehran expired on Monday without a broader agreement being reached. Trump has said the United States is not seeking an extension.

Tehran Likely to Double Down Columnist Melanie Phillips slammed President Trump’s plans for a ceasefire last month, complaining that it had given Tehran the upper hand and showed that “everyone can now see America is not prepared to make the sacrifices necessary to defend itself.

” Trump has claimed Iran has essentially lost this war and that the blockade is massively damaging its economy. However, he has also instructed his team to pursue a “low-key” approach to talks. On July 7, Trump said the agreement was “over”, while Iran’s Foreign Ministry said it was “suspended” the following week.

“They should put up the white flag of surrender,” Trump told Fox News on Monday, claiming that backchannel talks with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) were ongoing. The IRGC has denied these claims. On Tuesday, Trump dramatically changed his tune, stating that no talks with Iran were ongoing, and that no discussions were scheduled.

About the Author: Georgia Gilholy Georgia Gilholy is a journalist based in the United Kingdom who has been published in Newsweek, The Times of Israel, and the Spectator. Gilholy writes about international politics, culture, and education.

Location: Tehran
strikeUnverifiedUSIsraelIranProxy
1 source

Iran War Day 172: ‘No Talks’ Scheduled with Tehran, Trump Says In a post on Truth Social Tuesday President Donald Trump said that “there are no talks or conversations going on, or scheduled, with the Islamic Republic of Iran.” Trump added that the U.

S. naval blockade on the Strait of Hormuz “remains in full force and effect” and that the waterway “is open and operating.” In a separate post, Trump published an image labelling the strait as “NEW U.S. Territory.” Only six commodity ships transited the Strait of Hormuz on Monday, according to Kpler data cited by Reuters.

Iran’s Speaker of Parliament Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said Tuesday, Until the commitments made by the United States in the memorandum of understanding, including the lifting of the blockade, the release of frozen assets, the lifting of oil sanctions, the end of threats and military operations on all fronts, and other conditions to which America agreed in the memorandum, are implemented, the strait will not be opened.

The deadline for that memorandum of understanding—signed by Trump and Iran’s president in June—expired on Monday. The two nations had agreed to negotiate a final peace deal over a 60-day period, but the framework agreement quickly fell apart, and the deadline seemingly wasn’t extended, despite mixed reporting.

Subscribe Today Get daily emails in your inbox Ghalibaf will lead a “high-level parliamentary delegation” to Iraq on Wednesday, Iran’s Fars news agency reported. The visit comes as pro-Iran militia groups face a September 30 deadline set by the Iraqi government to disarm.

Syria condemned reported Israeli strikes against Abu Duhur airbase on Tuesday, while the U.S. expressed concern over the incident. U.S. Ambassador to Turkey and special envoy for Syria and Iraq Tom Barrack wrote on X that “we are deeply concerned that the confirmed Israeli airstrikes on Abu al-Duhur Airbase constitute an unnecessary escalation that does not advance regional stability.

” The price of Brent Crude oil was over $91 per barrel on Tuesday morning. AAA recorded the national average price of regular gas at $4.07.

Location: Tehran
strikeUnverifiedUSIsraelIran
1 source

U.S. President Donald Trump said on Tuesday no talks were taking place with Iran and none were scheduled, and he insisted that the Strait of Hormuz was open, contradicting an earlier Iranian assertion that the critical waterway remained shut to shipping.

The receding prospects of a deal to end the nearly six-month conflict drove up oil prices again on Tuesday, while stock markets sagged and borrowing costs for major economies including the U.S. hit multi-decade highs, amid concerns about the long-term inflationary and fiscal impact of the crisis.

A temporary ceasefire agreement expired on Monday and a senior Iranian official told Reuters that his country was moving to a “fully offensive” military posture due to the diplomatic stalemate, though there were no reports of fresh strikes by either side on Tuesday.

“There are no talks or conversations going on, or scheduled, with the Islamic Republic of Iran,” Trump said in a post on Truth Social on Tuesday. “The Naval Blockade remains in full force and effect. The Hormuz Strait is open and operating. All water mines have been removed or detonated,” he added.

On Monday, Jared Kushner, Trump's son-in-law and special envoy, had sounded an optimistic note, saying talks with Iran were still under way and were “probably more robust” than they had ever been. Despite Trump's typically ebullient remarks about the situation in the Gulf, preliminary shipping data on Tuesday showed ship crossings via the Strait of Hormuz were still in single digits on Monday.

The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations said it received a report on Tuesday that a vessel was struck by an unknown projectile while transiting outbound in the Strait of Hormuz, causing engine room damage and a crew casualty. The remaining crew were being assisted by the Omani Coast Guard, according to the report.

Top Iranian negotiator Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf said in comments published by state media that the strait would remain shut until the U.S. met the conditions of an interim deal signed with Iran in June. These conditions include the U.S. lifting its blockade of Iranian ports, lifting oil sanctions, releasing Tehran's frozen assets, and ending threats and military operations on all fronts, Qalibaf told parliament.

A memorandum of understanding signed on June 17 had set a 60-day time frame for a broader deal on Iran's nuclear programme and U.S. sanctions. That period elapsed on Monday and Trump said he had no plans to extend it. The agreement, which declared the “immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts,” had quickly unravelled over a dispute about control of the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow waterway through which a fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas flowed before the war.

Both Trump and Tehran have frequently switched between threats and more emollient rhetoric as they seek a way out of the crisis, which erupted when the U.S. and Israel launched strikes against Iran on February 28. Iran remains open to dialogue with the U.

S. but does not confuse negotiations with surrender, Mohammad Mokhber, an adviser to Iran's supreme leader, said on Tuesday, according to the semi-official Fars news agency. Mokhber said military pressure and sanctions would not break Iran's resolve and that the country would defend its security, dignity and allies while not seeking war.

Even as Iran projects resilience in the war, its leaders are worried that a threat of more economic punishment could increase hardships, reignite unrest and further erode the Islamic Republic’s legitimacy, according to three Iranian officials. Thousands of people have been killed in the conflict, mainly in Iran and Lebanon.

Iran has bombed U.S. military bases and infrastructure in countries including Oman, Jordan, Kuwait, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Benchmark Brent crude oil futures have surged during the conflict, hitting a peak of $126 a barrel, roughly 75% above pre-war levels.

Brent crude futures settled up 20 cents on Tuesday at just over $91 a barrel. For Americans who will vote in November congressional elections, gasoline prices have risen above $4 per gallon, up from less than $3 before the war, according to the automotive group AAA.

Location: Tehran
strikeUnverifiedUSIsraelIranUN
1 source

Iran is rebuilding the upper ranks of its military and security establishment after months of wartime losses by turning largely to familiar veterans — figures whose careers in some cases stretch back to the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the Iran-Iraq War and previous domestic crackdowns.

The appointments follow the deaths of several senior Iranian commanders in U.S.-Israeli strikes since the war began Feb. 28, The National reported Aug. 11. For Washington, the stakes go beyond who fills the vacancies. The reshuffle puts veteran hardliners atop institutions that shape Iran’s military operations, national-security policy and internal security at a time of renewed confrontation with the United States.

The appointments do not prove that Tehran has run out of younger commanders or that loyalty was the sole criterion, but the reliance on figures whose careers stretch back decades is raising a broader question for U.S. policymakers: whether wartime losses have left Iran increasingly dependent on a smaller circle of trusted ideologues — potentially narrowing the room for compromise even as Washington tries to pressure Tehran back toward a deal.

IRAN’S REVOLUTIONARY GUARD SIDELINES PRESIDENT AS MILITARY GRIP EXPANDS Former American prisoner Morad Tahbaz, who was detained in Iran in 2018 and freed in a U.S.-Iran prisoner exchange in September 2023, told Fox News Digital that he views the latest appointments as evidence of Tehran's continued dependence on longtime loyalists.

"They keep rotating the same old people, most of whom are fairly inept but are loyal to the Khamenei father and son," Tahbaz told Fox News Digital. The reshuffle spans Iran's conventional military, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, its naval arm, the Basij paramilitary force and the country's highest national-security council.

Iran's state-run IRNA reported Aug. 10 that Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei appointed Ali Abdollahi chief of staff of the Armed Forces, Kioumars Heydari his deputy, Ahmad Vahidi commander of the IRGC, Mostafa Izadi deputy IRGC commander, Ali Ozmaei commander of the IRGC Navy and Hossein Taeb head of the Basij.

The previous day, former IRGC commander Mohsen Rezaei, 71, was named secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and Khamenei's representative on the powerful body. Reuters reported Aug. 10 that the SNSC coordinates Iran's security and foreign policy and that Rezaei replaced Mohammad Baqer Zolqadr, who had been appointed secretary in late March following the death of his predecessor, Ali Larijani.

The appointments do not establish that Iran has run out of younger or less familiar commanders. But the reliance on longtime military and security figures has fueled assessments that wartime losses have narrowed the regime's pool of officials it regards as sufficiently experienced and politically trustworthy.

Erfan Fard wrote for the Middle East Forum on Aug. 15 that Khamenei was not promoting a new generation but turning to veterans of the revolution, the Iran-Iraq War, intelligence operations and domestic repression, arguing that an architecture based on "institutional memory, loyalty, and coercive power" was taking shape.

The Foundation for Defense of Democracies argued in an Aug. 12 policy brief that the reshuffle looked "less like renewal than a game of musical chairs among regime veterans." The appointments also formalized the position of Ahmad Vahidi, a veteran hardliner who had already emerged near the center of wartime decision-making.

Vahidi was a major player in shaping Tehran's wartime policy and had risen through the IRGC's early intelligence and external-operations apparatus before later serving as defense and interior minister. As interior minister, Vahidi oversaw police units involved in the crackdown on the 2022 protests.

IRNA confirmed Aug. 10 that Khamenei promoted Vahidi to major general and formally appointed him commander-in-chief of the IRGC. WHO IS AHMAD VAHIDI? IRAN’S NEW IRGC CHIEF TIED TO GLOBAL ATTACKS AND ‘DEATH TO AMERICA’ IDEOLOGY Hossein Taeb: The intelligence veteran returns to the Basij to build a ‘20-million-strong Basij force.

’ One of the most closely watched appointments is Hossein Taeb, the cleric and veteran security official tapped to lead the Basij, the IRGC's volunteer paramilitary force that has repeatedly been used against domestic dissent. The National reported that the Basij has been used to suppress internal dissent, while The Times reported Aug.

12 that the force is embedded in neighborhoods, universities, workplaces, factories, ministries and mosques and has played a central role in suppressing successive uprisings. For Tahbaz, Taeb's return is personal. Tahbaz was detained in 2018, while Taeb was leading the IRGC Intelligence Organization.

"Ta’eb is extremely close to Mojtaba Khamenei but was very unceremoniously fired from his former position as head of the IRGC Intelligence Organization," Tahbaz told Fox News Digital. "He was personally responsible for my and my colleagues' arrests and detentions.

He lives and breathes conspiracy theories." The Times reported Aug. 12 that Taeb and Mojtaba Khamenei's relationship dates back more than four decades and that both served in the Habib Battalion during the Iran-Iraq War. The newspaper also reported that IRGC intelligence arrested environmentalists and dual nationals during Taeb's tenure.

Taeb previously commanded the Basij before moving into IRGC intelligence. The Times reported that months after the disputed 2009 election, the Guards' intelligence division was elevated into an independent organization with Taeb as its first chief. Taeb's earlier leadership of the Basij also drew U.

S. sanctions. In a Sept. 29, 2010 Treasury Department fact sheet, the U.S. government said that while Taeb commanded the Basij during the June 2009 election, forces under his command participated in "beatings, murder, and arbitrary arrests and detentions of peaceful protestors.

" According to IRNA, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf congratulated Taeb on his appointment as head of the Basij Organization, saying his tenure could mark a new chapter for the volunteer force. Ghalibaf said the Basij now needs a more comprehensive and forward-looking approach and argued that Taeb’s appointment by the supreme leader could help advance what he described as one of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s longstanding goals: building a 20-million-strong Basij force.

UN WATCHDOG SLAMS POTENTIAL ELECTION OF IRAN TO PANEL WITH HUMAN RIGHTS SWAY: 'LUNATICS RUNNING THE ASYLUM' Mohsen Rezaei: Back at the center after four decades Few appointments better illustrate the return of Iran's old guard than Mohsen Rezaei, who was named secretary of the Supreme National Security Council.

Reuters reported Aug. 10 that Rezaei joined the IRGC shortly after the 1979 revolution, became its commander in 1981 at age 27 and led the force for 16 years, including through most of the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War. He later served as secretary of Iran's Expediency Discernment Council for more than two decades and as vice president for economic affairs from 2021 to 2023 under President Ebrahim Raisi.

Now, at 71, he is secretary of the SNSC and Khamenei's representative on the body. Beni Sabti, an Iran expert at Israel's Institute for National Security Studies, argued that bringing back longtime figures such as Rezaei reflects weakness rather than renewal.

"This is, again, another evidence that they don't have anyone else," Sabti told Fox News Digital. "So they have to bring him out again from the desk and put him somewhere. These are the guys that they have." Rezaei and Vahidi were also among six people for whom INTERPOL authorized Red Notices requested by Argentina in 2007 in connection with the investigation into the 1994 bombing of the AMIA Jewish community center in Buenos Aires.

INTERPOL said in November 2007 that its General Assembly upheld the publication of notices for six individuals, including Ahmad Vahidi and Mohsen Rezaei, after Iran challenged Argentina's requests. Sabti argued that Rezaei's re-emergence is particularly telling because Tehran's decision-making circle has become less ideologically diverse.

"Today, there is only one opinion, and this is the main problem," Sabti said. "This is why you think that there is unity and the system is stronger. No, it's not stronger. Actually, it's weaker also because of that." TRADE VESSEL STRUCK BY PROJECTILE IN STRAIT OF HORMUZ AMID US-IRAN TALKS Ali Abdollahi: A wartime commander takes the top military job Ali Abdollahi was elevated to chief of staff of Iran's Armed Forces, putting him at the top of the country's military command structure.

IRNA confirmed the appointment Aug. 10. Abdollahi had previously commanded the Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters, Iran's joint operational command responsible for coordinating its armed forces in wartime, according to Iran International on Aug. 10.

His appointment also comes amid an effort to integrate the Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters more closely with the Armed Forces General Staff. Le Monde reported Aug. 11 that Abdollahi's task includes completing that integration in an effort to further centralize command and coordination.

Fard argued in his Aug. 15 Middle East Forum analysis that Abdollahi's elevation exemplifies Tehran's reliance on longstanding revolutionary-security figures rather than a generational break. FREED AMERICAN REVEALS BRUTAL IRAN PRISON ORDEAL, WARNS HOSTAGES FACE GREATER DANGER Kioumars Heydari: The regular army moves closer to the center Former Army Ground Forces commander Kioumars Heydari was appointed deputy chief of staff of the Armed Forces, bringing a senior officer from Iran's conventional military into the new command structure.

The National reported that Heydari formerly commanded the Army Ground Forces and has held senior positions in Iran's regular army, known as the Artesh. IRNA independently confirmed his appointment. His inclusion also demonstrates that the reshuffle is not limited to the IRGC.

Fard argued in the Middle East Forum that Heydari's previous public rhetoric surrounding protest suppression indicates that Tehran has increasingly integrated the regular army into its domestic-security posture. Mostafa Izadi: Another veteran rises inside the IRGC Mostafa Izadi was appointed Vahidi's deputy, putting another longtime commander near the top of the IRGC hierarchy.

IRNA confirmed Izadi's appointment Aug. 10, while The National described him Aug. 11 as a veteran commander who has held a number of senior positions in Iran's military and security establishment. Iran International reported that Izadi previously commanded the Cyber and New Threats Headquarters within the Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters.

IRAN HARDLINER BEHIND US DEAL WARNS TEHRAN WON’T HONOR AGREEMENT IF TRUMP FAILS TO DELIVER Ali Ozmaei: A new commander at one of Iran's most sensitive fronts Rear Adm. Ali Ozmaei was appointed commander of the IRGC Navy, putting him in charge of a force central to Iran's military posture in the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz.

The National reported Aug. 11 that Ozmaei replaced Alireza Tangsiri, who was killed in an Israeli airstrike in March, and that the IRGC Navy is responsible for Iran's military operations in the Gulf and around the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian state media also highlighted Ozmaei's longstanding maritime experience.

IRNA reported Aug. 11 that Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf praised Ozmaei's years in maritime defense and his familiarity with the current conflict and the Strait of Hormuz. The appointment came one day before Rezaei said the Strait of Hormuz would remain closed unless the United States changed its behavior and accepted Iran's conditions.

Reuters reported that Rezaei said Washington would have to end the war and unfreeze Iranian funds overseas, with other conditions relayed through mediators. Taken together, the seven personnel changes show Tehran moving to fill and reshuffle critical military and security posts after significant wartime losses.

What remains an assessment rather than an established fact is whether the identities of those chosen reveal a deeper shortage of trusted successors. Sabti said the return of veteran figures reflected what he sees as a shrinking bench of trusted officials and a less diverse decision-making circle.

Tahbaz offered a less academic version of that assessment. CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP "They keep rotating the same old people," he said.

Location: Tehran