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strikeMay 5, 2026

War without borders: The rise of cyberattacks beyond the battlefield

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But even as connectivity inside Iran collapsed, the cyber conflict didn’t. It spilled outward. Operations continued beyond its borders, driven by a mix of state-backed actors, proxies and opportunistic hackers who don’t need a functioning domestic internet to keep going. Also Read: ‘Everything can be weaponised’: Rajnath Singh cites Israel’s pager attacks to warn of new war In the weeks since, researchers have tracked a sharp spike in global threat activity linked to the conflict — from coordinated campaigns by dozens of hacktivist groups to waves of phishing, scams and disruptive intrusions targeting organisations far outside the Middle East. What’s emerging isn’t just a parallel cyberwar. It’s something messier: modern conflict is now feeding a shadow economy of cybercrime, where geopolitical crises double up as both cover and opportunity — and attacks keep moving even when countries themselves go dark. From missiles to malware The latest escalation began on February 28, when the United States and Israel launched coordinated strikes on Iranian military and nuclear targets. Almost in parallel, a cyber offensive unfolded. Websites were defaced. Government-linked platforms were disrupted. A widely used religious app, BadeSaba — with more than 5 million downloads — was hacked to display messages urging users to rise up and abandon the regime, according to Reuters. News outlets and state-linked media platforms were also hit. Iranian state news agency IRNA was taken offline for a period, while the IRGC-linked Tasnim website faced disruptions and message defacements, according to The Jerusalem Post. The scale suggested something more coordinated than isolated attacks. Western intelligence sources cited by The Jerusalem Post said the cyber operations were aimed at disrupting Iran’s ability to coordinate a response, including limiting communications and degrading command systems. According to cybersecurity firm Palo Alto Networks’ Unit 42, the conflict quickly extended into cyberspace, pulling in both state-backed actors and loosely aligned hacktivist groups. These attacks don’t begin when the first strike lands. By the time missiles hit, attackers are often already inside networks — mapping systems, gathering intelligence and identifying weak points they can exploit later. “Cyber isn’t usually the decisive weapon on its own; it’s a force multiplier,” Tal Kollender, a former Israeli military cyber-defence specialist, told the BBC. Also Read: White House weighs vetting AI models before public release: NYT Early indicators suggest the cyber campaign may have been underway even before the strikes. Cybersecurity firm Anomali told Reuters that Iranian state-backed groups were already carrying out wiper attacks targeting Israeli systems ahead of the escalation. CrowdStrike also observed activity consistent with Iranian-aligned actors conducting reconnaissance and initiating denial-of-service attacks, Adam Meyers, senior vice president of counter adversary operations, told Reuters. At the same time, researchers observed a surge in hacktivist mobilisation. CloudSEK said it tracked more than 150 claimed hacktivist incidents between February 28 and March 1, largely involving DDoS attacks, website defacements and data breach claims tied to the conflict. An already expanding baseline This surge isn’t happening in a vacuum. It’s building on a cybercrime ecosystem that was already growing — and getting faster. According to the World Economic Forum’s Global Cybersecurity Outlook 2026, 77% of organisations globally have reported a rise in phishing and fraud, while 73% of individuals have experienced cyber-enabled crime. At the same time, the average number of weekly cyberattacks per organisation has more than doubled in recent years, from 818 to 1,984. The speed of attacks is also shrinking response windows. In some cases, breaches now move from initial access to data exfiltration in under 72 minutes. That’s the baseline into which the US–Iran conflict has now landed. Critical infrastructure in the crosshairs What’s different this time is the scope — and the targets. Beyond websites and media systems, the early cyber campaign appears to have targeted deeper infrastructure. CloudSEK said the attacks likely combined denial-of-service campaigns, electronic interference and network intrusions targeting sectors such as energy, aviation and government systems. In late March, Unit 42 identified a new cluster of activity linked to a group known as Cyber Av3ngers, targeting industrial control systems used in manufacturing and utilities. The focus was on software from Rockwell Automation — the kind that quietly runs factories, energy grids and other critical infrastructure. Researchers identified more than 5,600 internet-connected devices globally using such systems, underlining how exposed they are. Warnings from the US Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency echoed this, flagging attempts to exploit programmable logic controllers — small but critical components that automate everything from water supply systems to power grids. These risks are no longer theoretical. Earlier in March, Reuters reported that an Iran-linked group deployed wiper malware against US-based medical technology firm Stryker Corporation, disrupting operations and delaying procedures. That kind of disruption can translate directly into real-world consequences — from postponed surgeries to interruptions in essential services. Elsewhere, hackers have probed water and energy systems, raising concerns about vulnerabilities in everyday infrastructure. Also Read: As Iran war shakes energy system, some see powerful argument for renewable energy The rise of cyber opportunists But the bigger shift may be happening outside state-backed operations. Alongside these attacks, cybersecurity firms are tracking a parallel surge in financially motivated cybercrime — often piggybacking on the chaos. Unit 42 recorded more than 7,300 conflict-themed phishing URLs across nearly 1,900 domains in March alone. These ranged from fake charity drives and crypto scams to spoofed telecom portals and banking sites. Attackers are impersonating airlines, law enforcement and government systems, using increasingly polished techniques — rotating domains, chaining subdomains, mimicking official workflows — to slip past detection. And it’s not just large organisations in the crosshairs. Much of this activity is aimed at everyday users, especially through mobile-first attacks. The playbook is familiar: urgency, fear, and just enough plausibility. A bank alert. A utility warning. A government notice. Messages designed to look routine — and therefore easy to trust. For users, that could mean anything from disrupted services to a spike in targeted scam messages playing on fears around fuel prices or government advisories. The US Federal Trade Commission has flagged similar trends — from fraudsters posing as bank officials warning of “Iran-linked” transactions to fake military romance scams and sham charities. “The details change, but the scammer’s goal is always the same,” the FTC noted — to extract money or sensitive data. Blurring lines between war and crime This overlap isn’t accidental. The World Economic Forum says 91% of large organisations are already reworking their cybersecurity strategies in response to geopolitical instability. What this conflict underscores is a trend that’s been building for years: the erosion of clear lines between state actors, proxies and criminals. Cybersecurity analysts say Iran has increasingly relied on a mix of formal state-linked cyber units and loosely affiliated hacktivist or proxy groups — a model that allows it to extend operations while maintaining plausible deniability. Also Read: Cyberattacks surge across UAE amid Iran conflict, businesses face disruptions and rising risks Unit 42 has identified dozens of such groups active in the current conflict, carrying out everything from DDoS attacks to data leaks and infrastructure probing. Some, like the Handala Hack group, have paired cyberattacks with psychological operations — leaking personal data or issuing threats to amplify pressure. “This is about coercive signalling as much as disruption,” analysts say. A global ripple effect Cybersecurity firm CloudSEK notes that “second-order” countries — those not directly involved — are increasingly exposed. That includes major economies such as India, Japan and several European states. The risks span espionage, ransomware, supply chain disruptions and disinformation. In a tightly connected global system, vulnerabilities don’t stay contained. There are already early signs of spillover. Companies across finance, energy and transport have been targeted, while disruptions to shipping routes — particularly through the Strait of Hormuz — are starting to ripple into global trade. In India, those risks are becoming more tangible. A March 2026 advisory by the Data Security Council of India warned that sectors ranging from energy and finance to IT services could face elevated cyber threats. With a large share of India’s energy imports passing through the Strait of Hormuz, any cyberattack on Gulf infrastructure or shipping systems could worsen supply disruptions and hit domestic markets. The report also pointed to the IT services sector as a potential weak link — where a breach at a single vendor could cascade across global clients. Financial institutions, meanwhile, face renewed exposure to ransomware and supply-chain attacks. “Geographic distance offers no defence,” Sami Khoury, Senior Official for Cybersecurity at the Government of Canada, told the World Economic Forum. The new normal of conflict If there’s one takeaway, it’s this: cyber conflict doesn’t end when the fighting stops. “The ceasefire does not end the cyber conflict; it changes its rhythm,” Alexander Leslie, a senior adviser at Recorded Future, told The New Yorker. Unlike conventional warfare, cyber operations can linger — quietly probing systems, harvesting data, waiting for the next opening. Also Read: Iran-linked hackers take aim at US and other targets, raising risk of cyberattacks during war And increasingly, those openings aren’t limited to states. The tools of cyberwar, once tightly held by governments, are now far more accessible. Add AI lowering technical barriers and global crises offering ready-made narratives, and even relatively low-skilled actors can mount convincing attacks. The result is a threat landscape that’s more crowded, more chaotic and harder to predict. War, in this sense, is no longer just destructive. It’s generative — creating new actors, new incentives and new risks. And as the US–Iran conflict shows, those risks rarely stay on the battlefield. (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel) (You can now subscribe to our Economic Times WhatsApp channel)

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  • Pihu YadavBy Pihu Yadav

    But even as connectivity inside Iran collapsed, the cyber conflict didn’t. It spilled outward. Operations continued beyond its borders, driven by a mix of state-backed actors, proxies and opportunistic hackers who don’t need a functioning domestic internet to keep going. Also Rea

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President Donald Trump has made another bombastic pronouncement amid the war with Iran. On Tuesday, he shared a map labeling the Strait of Hormuz “NEW U.S. Territory,” via his Truth Social platform. Iran has continued to stress that the strait will not be fully reopened until Washington meets its slew of demands, including ending its blockade on Iranian shipping and scrapping oil sanctions.

Ship Hit in Strait Just hours before Trump’s latest post, a vessel exiting the Strait of Hormuz was struck by an unidentified projectile off the coast of Oman. According to the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations, the ship’s engine room was hit, resulting in a “crew casualty.

” Officials did not immediately identify the vessel or its cargo. The Omani Coast Guard said it was assisting the remaining crew as authorities investigated the incident. Iran’s Stranglehold on the Strait Since the United States and Israel launched attacks on the Islamic Republic on February 28, Iran has tightly restricted shipping through the waterway.

Prior to the war, around one-fifth of globally traded oil passed through Hormuz. Iranian parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf said Tuesday that Tehran would maintain its restrictions until Washington fulfilled what Iran considers its commitments under the interim U.

S.-Iran agreement struck in June. Those demands include lifting the U.S. blockade of Iranian ports, releasing frozen Iranian assets, removing sanctions on Iranian oil and gas exports, and ending U.S. military threats and operations. “Until the United States fulfills its commitments under the agreement … the Strait of Hormuz will not reopen,” Qalibaf said.

Blockade Vs. Territory Asked in the Oval Office on Monday about his earlier suggestion that Hormuz could become American territory, the president said he liked the idea. “We control it with the blockade, and I like the idea of declaring it a territory,” Trump told reporters, adding: “We have total control over the strait now.

” Washington’s blockade is hitting Iranian shipping hard. U.S. Central Command said Monday that American forces had redirected 64 commercial vessels, disabled three ships, and boarded another two as part of the renewed blockade. That does not mean Washington has eliminated Iran’s ability to disrupt other shipping.

Tuesday’s unexplained attack came after a string of strikes on vessels attempting to navigate the area. Iran’s Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi also rejected Trump’s territorial claim on Tuesday, describing it as a “delusion.” Tehran has repeatedly maintained that it, rather than Washington, will determine when normal passage through the strait resumes.

Iran and Oman Near Deal Complicating matters further are separate negotiations between Iran and Oman, the two countries sitting on opposite sides of the strait. Iran said Monday that the two governments were finalizing details of an agreement concerning shipping routes through Hormuz.

Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said an “understanding has been reached regarding the map of the transit route.” Trump responded by threatening Oman, a longstanding U.S. partner, telling Fox News that Washington would “bomb the shit out of them” if Muscat “gets in the way.

” The diplomatic clock has already run down. The 60-day negotiating period established by the June memorandum between Washington and Tehran expired on Monday without a broader agreement being reached. Trump has said the United States is not seeking an extension.

Tehran Likely to Double Down Columnist Melanie Phillips slammed President Trump’s plans for a ceasefire last month, complaining that it had given Tehran the upper hand and showed that “everyone can now see America is not prepared to make the sacrifices necessary to defend itself.

” Trump has claimed Iran has essentially lost this war and that the blockade is massively damaging its economy. However, he has also instructed his team to pursue a “low-key” approach to talks. On July 7, Trump said the agreement was “over”, while Iran’s Foreign Ministry said it was “suspended” the following week.

“They should put up the white flag of surrender,” Trump told Fox News on Monday, claiming that backchannel talks with the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) were ongoing. The IRGC has denied these claims. On Tuesday, Trump dramatically changed his tune, stating that no talks with Iran were ongoing, and that no discussions were scheduled.

About the Author: Georgia Gilholy Georgia Gilholy is a journalist based in the United Kingdom who has been published in Newsweek, The Times of Israel, and the Spectator. Gilholy writes about international politics, culture, and education.

Location: Tehran
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Iran War Day 172: ‘No Talks’ Scheduled with Tehran, Trump Says In a post on Truth Social Tuesday President Donald Trump said that “there are no talks or conversations going on, or scheduled, with the Islamic Republic of Iran.” Trump added that the U.

S. naval blockade on the Strait of Hormuz “remains in full force and effect” and that the waterway “is open and operating.” In a separate post, Trump published an image labelling the strait as “NEW U.S. Territory.” Only six commodity ships transited the Strait of Hormuz on Monday, according to Kpler data cited by Reuters.

Iran’s Speaker of Parliament Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said Tuesday, Until the commitments made by the United States in the memorandum of understanding, including the lifting of the blockade, the release of frozen assets, the lifting of oil sanctions, the end of threats and military operations on all fronts, and other conditions to which America agreed in the memorandum, are implemented, the strait will not be opened.

The deadline for that memorandum of understanding—signed by Trump and Iran’s president in June—expired on Monday. The two nations had agreed to negotiate a final peace deal over a 60-day period, but the framework agreement quickly fell apart, and the deadline seemingly wasn’t extended, despite mixed reporting.

Subscribe Today Get daily emails in your inbox Ghalibaf will lead a “high-level parliamentary delegation” to Iraq on Wednesday, Iran’s Fars news agency reported. The visit comes as pro-Iran militia groups face a September 30 deadline set by the Iraqi government to disarm.

Syria condemned reported Israeli strikes against Abu Duhur airbase on Tuesday, while the U.S. expressed concern over the incident. U.S. Ambassador to Turkey and special envoy for Syria and Iraq Tom Barrack wrote on X that “we are deeply concerned that the confirmed Israeli airstrikes on Abu al-Duhur Airbase constitute an unnecessary escalation that does not advance regional stability.

” The price of Brent Crude oil was over $91 per barrel on Tuesday morning. AAA recorded the national average price of regular gas at $4.07.

Location: Tehran
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U.S. President Donald Trump said on Tuesday no talks were taking place with Iran and none were scheduled, and he insisted that the Strait of Hormuz was open, contradicting an earlier Iranian assertion that the critical waterway remained shut to shipping.

The receding prospects of a deal to end the nearly six-month conflict drove up oil prices again on Tuesday, while stock markets sagged and borrowing costs for major economies including the U.S. hit multi-decade highs, amid concerns about the long-term inflationary and fiscal impact of the crisis.

A temporary ceasefire agreement expired on Monday and a senior Iranian official told Reuters that his country was moving to a “fully offensive” military posture due to the diplomatic stalemate, though there were no reports of fresh strikes by either side on Tuesday.

“There are no talks or conversations going on, or scheduled, with the Islamic Republic of Iran,” Trump said in a post on Truth Social on Tuesday. “The Naval Blockade remains in full force and effect. The Hormuz Strait is open and operating. All water mines have been removed or detonated,” he added.

On Monday, Jared Kushner, Trump's son-in-law and special envoy, had sounded an optimistic note, saying talks with Iran were still under way and were “probably more robust” than they had ever been. Despite Trump's typically ebullient remarks about the situation in the Gulf, preliminary shipping data on Tuesday showed ship crossings via the Strait of Hormuz were still in single digits on Monday.

The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations said it received a report on Tuesday that a vessel was struck by an unknown projectile while transiting outbound in the Strait of Hormuz, causing engine room damage and a crew casualty. The remaining crew were being assisted by the Omani Coast Guard, according to the report.

Top Iranian negotiator Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf said in comments published by state media that the strait would remain shut until the U.S. met the conditions of an interim deal signed with Iran in June. These conditions include the U.S. lifting its blockade of Iranian ports, lifting oil sanctions, releasing Tehran's frozen assets, and ending threats and military operations on all fronts, Qalibaf told parliament.

A memorandum of understanding signed on June 17 had set a 60-day time frame for a broader deal on Iran's nuclear programme and U.S. sanctions. That period elapsed on Monday and Trump said he had no plans to extend it. The agreement, which declared the “immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts,” had quickly unravelled over a dispute about control of the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow waterway through which a fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas flowed before the war.

Both Trump and Tehran have frequently switched between threats and more emollient rhetoric as they seek a way out of the crisis, which erupted when the U.S. and Israel launched strikes against Iran on February 28. Iran remains open to dialogue with the U.

S. but does not confuse negotiations with surrender, Mohammad Mokhber, an adviser to Iran's supreme leader, said on Tuesday, according to the semi-official Fars news agency. Mokhber said military pressure and sanctions would not break Iran's resolve and that the country would defend its security, dignity and allies while not seeking war.

Even as Iran projects resilience in the war, its leaders are worried that a threat of more economic punishment could increase hardships, reignite unrest and further erode the Islamic Republic’s legitimacy, according to three Iranian officials. Thousands of people have been killed in the conflict, mainly in Iran and Lebanon.

Iran has bombed U.S. military bases and infrastructure in countries including Oman, Jordan, Kuwait, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Benchmark Brent crude oil futures have surged during the conflict, hitting a peak of $126 a barrel, roughly 75% above pre-war levels.

Brent crude futures settled up 20 cents on Tuesday at just over $91 a barrel. For Americans who will vote in November congressional elections, gasoline prices have risen above $4 per gallon, up from less than $3 before the war, according to the automotive group AAA.

Location: Tehran
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Iran is rebuilding the upper ranks of its military and security establishment after months of wartime losses by turning largely to familiar veterans — figures whose careers in some cases stretch back to the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the Iran-Iraq War and previous domestic crackdowns.

The appointments follow the deaths of several senior Iranian commanders in U.S.-Israeli strikes since the war began Feb. 28, The National reported Aug. 11. For Washington, the stakes go beyond who fills the vacancies. The reshuffle puts veteran hardliners atop institutions that shape Iran’s military operations, national-security policy and internal security at a time of renewed confrontation with the United States.

The appointments do not prove that Tehran has run out of younger commanders or that loyalty was the sole criterion, but the reliance on figures whose careers stretch back decades is raising a broader question for U.S. policymakers: whether wartime losses have left Iran increasingly dependent on a smaller circle of trusted ideologues — potentially narrowing the room for compromise even as Washington tries to pressure Tehran back toward a deal.

IRAN’S REVOLUTIONARY GUARD SIDELINES PRESIDENT AS MILITARY GRIP EXPANDS Former American prisoner Morad Tahbaz, who was detained in Iran in 2018 and freed in a U.S.-Iran prisoner exchange in September 2023, told Fox News Digital that he views the latest appointments as evidence of Tehran's continued dependence on longtime loyalists.

"They keep rotating the same old people, most of whom are fairly inept but are loyal to the Khamenei father and son," Tahbaz told Fox News Digital. The reshuffle spans Iran's conventional military, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, its naval arm, the Basij paramilitary force and the country's highest national-security council.

Iran's state-run IRNA reported Aug. 10 that Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei appointed Ali Abdollahi chief of staff of the Armed Forces, Kioumars Heydari his deputy, Ahmad Vahidi commander of the IRGC, Mostafa Izadi deputy IRGC commander, Ali Ozmaei commander of the IRGC Navy and Hossein Taeb head of the Basij.

The previous day, former IRGC commander Mohsen Rezaei, 71, was named secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and Khamenei's representative on the powerful body. Reuters reported Aug. 10 that the SNSC coordinates Iran's security and foreign policy and that Rezaei replaced Mohammad Baqer Zolqadr, who had been appointed secretary in late March following the death of his predecessor, Ali Larijani.

The appointments do not establish that Iran has run out of younger or less familiar commanders. But the reliance on longtime military and security figures has fueled assessments that wartime losses have narrowed the regime's pool of officials it regards as sufficiently experienced and politically trustworthy.

Erfan Fard wrote for the Middle East Forum on Aug. 15 that Khamenei was not promoting a new generation but turning to veterans of the revolution, the Iran-Iraq War, intelligence operations and domestic repression, arguing that an architecture based on "institutional memory, loyalty, and coercive power" was taking shape.

The Foundation for Defense of Democracies argued in an Aug. 12 policy brief that the reshuffle looked "less like renewal than a game of musical chairs among regime veterans." The appointments also formalized the position of Ahmad Vahidi, a veteran hardliner who had already emerged near the center of wartime decision-making.

Vahidi was a major player in shaping Tehran's wartime policy and had risen through the IRGC's early intelligence and external-operations apparatus before later serving as defense and interior minister. As interior minister, Vahidi oversaw police units involved in the crackdown on the 2022 protests.

IRNA confirmed Aug. 10 that Khamenei promoted Vahidi to major general and formally appointed him commander-in-chief of the IRGC. WHO IS AHMAD VAHIDI? IRAN’S NEW IRGC CHIEF TIED TO GLOBAL ATTACKS AND ‘DEATH TO AMERICA’ IDEOLOGY Hossein Taeb: The intelligence veteran returns to the Basij to build a ‘20-million-strong Basij force.

’ One of the most closely watched appointments is Hossein Taeb, the cleric and veteran security official tapped to lead the Basij, the IRGC's volunteer paramilitary force that has repeatedly been used against domestic dissent. The National reported that the Basij has been used to suppress internal dissent, while The Times reported Aug.

12 that the force is embedded in neighborhoods, universities, workplaces, factories, ministries and mosques and has played a central role in suppressing successive uprisings. For Tahbaz, Taeb's return is personal. Tahbaz was detained in 2018, while Taeb was leading the IRGC Intelligence Organization.

"Ta’eb is extremely close to Mojtaba Khamenei but was very unceremoniously fired from his former position as head of the IRGC Intelligence Organization," Tahbaz told Fox News Digital. "He was personally responsible for my and my colleagues' arrests and detentions.

He lives and breathes conspiracy theories." The Times reported Aug. 12 that Taeb and Mojtaba Khamenei's relationship dates back more than four decades and that both served in the Habib Battalion during the Iran-Iraq War. The newspaper also reported that IRGC intelligence arrested environmentalists and dual nationals during Taeb's tenure.

Taeb previously commanded the Basij before moving into IRGC intelligence. The Times reported that months after the disputed 2009 election, the Guards' intelligence division was elevated into an independent organization with Taeb as its first chief. Taeb's earlier leadership of the Basij also drew U.

S. sanctions. In a Sept. 29, 2010 Treasury Department fact sheet, the U.S. government said that while Taeb commanded the Basij during the June 2009 election, forces under his command participated in "beatings, murder, and arbitrary arrests and detentions of peaceful protestors.

" According to IRNA, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf congratulated Taeb on his appointment as head of the Basij Organization, saying his tenure could mark a new chapter for the volunteer force. Ghalibaf said the Basij now needs a more comprehensive and forward-looking approach and argued that Taeb’s appointment by the supreme leader could help advance what he described as one of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s longstanding goals: building a 20-million-strong Basij force.

UN WATCHDOG SLAMS POTENTIAL ELECTION OF IRAN TO PANEL WITH HUMAN RIGHTS SWAY: 'LUNATICS RUNNING THE ASYLUM' Mohsen Rezaei: Back at the center after four decades Few appointments better illustrate the return of Iran's old guard than Mohsen Rezaei, who was named secretary of the Supreme National Security Council.

Reuters reported Aug. 10 that Rezaei joined the IRGC shortly after the 1979 revolution, became its commander in 1981 at age 27 and led the force for 16 years, including through most of the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War. He later served as secretary of Iran's Expediency Discernment Council for more than two decades and as vice president for economic affairs from 2021 to 2023 under President Ebrahim Raisi.

Now, at 71, he is secretary of the SNSC and Khamenei's representative on the body. Beni Sabti, an Iran expert at Israel's Institute for National Security Studies, argued that bringing back longtime figures such as Rezaei reflects weakness rather than renewal.

"This is, again, another evidence that they don't have anyone else," Sabti told Fox News Digital. "So they have to bring him out again from the desk and put him somewhere. These are the guys that they have." Rezaei and Vahidi were also among six people for whom INTERPOL authorized Red Notices requested by Argentina in 2007 in connection with the investigation into the 1994 bombing of the AMIA Jewish community center in Buenos Aires.

INTERPOL said in November 2007 that its General Assembly upheld the publication of notices for six individuals, including Ahmad Vahidi and Mohsen Rezaei, after Iran challenged Argentina's requests. Sabti argued that Rezaei's re-emergence is particularly telling because Tehran's decision-making circle has become less ideologically diverse.

"Today, there is only one opinion, and this is the main problem," Sabti said. "This is why you think that there is unity and the system is stronger. No, it's not stronger. Actually, it's weaker also because of that." TRADE VESSEL STRUCK BY PROJECTILE IN STRAIT OF HORMUZ AMID US-IRAN TALKS Ali Abdollahi: A wartime commander takes the top military job Ali Abdollahi was elevated to chief of staff of Iran's Armed Forces, putting him at the top of the country's military command structure.

IRNA confirmed the appointment Aug. 10. Abdollahi had previously commanded the Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters, Iran's joint operational command responsible for coordinating its armed forces in wartime, according to Iran International on Aug. 10.

His appointment also comes amid an effort to integrate the Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters more closely with the Armed Forces General Staff. Le Monde reported Aug. 11 that Abdollahi's task includes completing that integration in an effort to further centralize command and coordination.

Fard argued in his Aug. 15 Middle East Forum analysis that Abdollahi's elevation exemplifies Tehran's reliance on longstanding revolutionary-security figures rather than a generational break. FREED AMERICAN REVEALS BRUTAL IRAN PRISON ORDEAL, WARNS HOSTAGES FACE GREATER DANGER Kioumars Heydari: The regular army moves closer to the center Former Army Ground Forces commander Kioumars Heydari was appointed deputy chief of staff of the Armed Forces, bringing a senior officer from Iran's conventional military into the new command structure.

The National reported that Heydari formerly commanded the Army Ground Forces and has held senior positions in Iran's regular army, known as the Artesh. IRNA independently confirmed his appointment. His inclusion also demonstrates that the reshuffle is not limited to the IRGC.

Fard argued in the Middle East Forum that Heydari's previous public rhetoric surrounding protest suppression indicates that Tehran has increasingly integrated the regular army into its domestic-security posture. Mostafa Izadi: Another veteran rises inside the IRGC Mostafa Izadi was appointed Vahidi's deputy, putting another longtime commander near the top of the IRGC hierarchy.

IRNA confirmed Izadi's appointment Aug. 10, while The National described him Aug. 11 as a veteran commander who has held a number of senior positions in Iran's military and security establishment. Iran International reported that Izadi previously commanded the Cyber and New Threats Headquarters within the Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters.

IRAN HARDLINER BEHIND US DEAL WARNS TEHRAN WON’T HONOR AGREEMENT IF TRUMP FAILS TO DELIVER Ali Ozmaei: A new commander at one of Iran's most sensitive fronts Rear Adm. Ali Ozmaei was appointed commander of the IRGC Navy, putting him in charge of a force central to Iran's military posture in the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz.

The National reported Aug. 11 that Ozmaei replaced Alireza Tangsiri, who was killed in an Israeli airstrike in March, and that the IRGC Navy is responsible for Iran's military operations in the Gulf and around the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian state media also highlighted Ozmaei's longstanding maritime experience.

IRNA reported Aug. 11 that Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf praised Ozmaei's years in maritime defense and his familiarity with the current conflict and the Strait of Hormuz. The appointment came one day before Rezaei said the Strait of Hormuz would remain closed unless the United States changed its behavior and accepted Iran's conditions.

Reuters reported that Rezaei said Washington would have to end the war and unfreeze Iranian funds overseas, with other conditions relayed through mediators. Taken together, the seven personnel changes show Tehran moving to fill and reshuffle critical military and security posts after significant wartime losses.

What remains an assessment rather than an established fact is whether the identities of those chosen reveal a deeper shortage of trusted successors. Sabti said the return of veteran figures reflected what he sees as a shrinking bench of trusted officials and a less diverse decision-making circle.

Tahbaz offered a less academic version of that assessment. CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP "They keep rotating the same old people," he said.

Location: Tehran