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economicApr 14, 2026

What the naval blockade of Iran might look like

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What the naval blockade of Iran might look like Washington: The US naval blockade of Iran that began on Monday (US time) has little precedent in recent decades, and the military has offered few details on how it might carry out the operation. But previous operations in the Middle East may offer some clues to what the blockade could look like in practice. The Navy has a track record of monitoring the movements of merchant ships and taking them over, whether they want to be boarded or not. What has the military said? On Sunday, US President Donald Trump said he was ordering a blockade of Iran and the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow waterway separating the Persian Gulf and the Gulf of Oman that is a transit point for much of the world’s oil. On Monday (US time), US Central Command, which oversees military operations in the Middle East, appeared to narrow the scope, saying it would prevent merchant ships from travelling to or from Iranian ports. An advisory issued to mariners in the region said details were “in development”. Central Command said the blockade would be “enforced impartially against vessels of all nations” and would apply to Iranian ports on both sides of the strait. When asked how the blockade would work in practice, Central Command pointed to a news release announcing the blockade, as well as an advisory issued by the United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations organisation, which is administered by the British Royal Navy. Neither document says what would happen to merchant ships that try to run through the blockade. How would the US monitor and intercept ships? Navy destroyers could monitor Iranian ports with their radars, tracking the ships coming in and out of each, but that would require a large commitment of US warships to cover Iran’s long southern coast. Central Command could instead opt to keep a contingent of destroyers on either side of the Strait of Hormuz to board ships and use surveillance drones to monitor the ports instead. Once a vessel has been identified as a “contact of interest”, a destroyer could be dispatched to intercept it. After closing the distance between them and coming within visual range, the destroyer would most likely hail the vessel over maritime VHF radio, querying it according to a script that asks for information such as the ship’s destination, its last port of call, what kind of cargo it is carrying and the number of crew members aboard. The warship could then ask the vessel to accept a “boarding party” of sailors to inspect it. Ideally, the vessel would answer the warship’s radio calls and agree to be boarded, adjusting its course and speed and lowering a rope ladder to make the boarding safer and easier. Or it could ignore the warship’s messages and try to make a run for it. What happens if the US tries to board a ship? A Navy boarding party could approach on a motorboat and use telescoping poles to hook a narrow caving ladder on the side of the target vessel. But the task becomes far more challenging and dangerous in rough seas, at night and when the target vessel is manoeuvring to foil the boarding. The best option, then, is to fly the boarding team over in a helicopter and slide down thick, braided lines called fast-ropes to the ship’s deck. If helicopters are available, and the boarding party has the right training, fast-roping aboard is much safer and can be done far more quickly than attempting a “hook and climb” from a motorboat. In recent memory, teams of Marines and Coast Guardsmen frequently fast-roped to board tankers in the Caribbean carrying Venezuelan oil. However, those tankers have cost the United States tens of millions of dollars to hold, and the Trump administration cannot legally sell their oil without a judge’s permission. Does the Navy have much experience with this in the Persian Gulf? Yes. More than a decade’s worth. After the 1991 Persian Gulf War, the United Nations established a system allowing Iraq to export its oil so long as the proceeds from those sales benefited its citizens – often referred to as the “oil for food” program. Navy warships routinely boarded tankers trying to smuggle Iraqi oil out of the Persian Gulf until US president George W. Bush ordered the invasion of Iraq in 2003. The vast majority of those boardings were “compliant” – Navy parlance for when the boarded vessel co-operates. Small teams of US sailors would be placed on tankers found to be smuggling Iraqi oil, and they would sail the ship to holding areas in the Gulf, code-named for professional baseball stadiums, such as Fenway and Comiskey, where the tanker would be anchored. The ships would eventually go to a port in the Gulf where the host nation would sell the oil as payment for taking responsibility for the vessel and its crew. The tankers would be sold at auction, often purchased by the same holding company that owned the ship before. It was a bit of a revolving door. Has the Navy blockaded a country before? Yes. But not in the Strait of Hormuz, and not at this scale for a long time. The last time the service tried to blockade all shipping to a nation was in October 1962, when president John F. Kennedy ordered a “quarantine” of Cuba during the crisis over the Soviet Union’s deployment of nuclear weapons to the island nation. (“Quarantine” and “blockade” appear on different pages of the dictionary, but when applied to stopping shipping, they have the same meaning. Under international law, a naval blockade of a nation is an act of war.) More recently, the Trump administration has carried out what it has sometimes called blockades of Venezuela and Cuba, but those targeted were oil shipments and did not approach the totality of the blockade on Iran. This article originally appeared in The New York Times. Get a note directly from our foreign correspondents on what’s making headlines around the world. Sign up for our weekly What in the World newsletter.

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  • John IsmayBy John Ismay

    What the naval blockade of Iran might look like Washington: The US naval blockade of Iran that began on Monday (US time) has little precedent in recent decades, and the military has offered few details on how it might carry out the operation. But previous operations in the Middle…

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economicUnverifiedUSEURussiaUkraine
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Binance provided Russian authorities with personal and transaction data on a Russian IT specialist whose cryptocurrency donations to Ukrainian fundraising campaigns were later used as evidence in a “terrorism” financing case, Reuters reported on Monday.

The documents reviewed by Reuters show that Russian investigators requested the information from Binance and received details identifying the user and his cryptocurrency transfers to Ukrainian organizations. JOIN US ON TELEGRAM Follow our coverage of the war on the @Kyivpost_official.

The case raises questions about Binance’s handling of Russian law enforcement requests after the company said in 2023 that it had fully exited the Russian market. Binance data used in Russian criminal case Russian investigators alleged in October 2025 that IT specialist Yuri Belenkiy, a 49-year-old Russian citizen with a Bulgarian residency permit, had sent more than $700 in cryptocurrency to the Ukrainian military and an associated organization.

Belenkiy was detained in September 2025 and is currently in a Russian jail awaiting trial on terrorism financing charges. According to the documents reviewed by Reuters, Russian law enforcement asked Binance for Belenkiy’s transaction history. The exchange subsequently provided information showing transfers to Ukrainian organizations.

The data was incorporated into the case against Belenkiy. An interim case summary sent to Russia’s Prosecutor General’s Office cited the cryptocurrency transfers as grounds for the so-called “terrorism” financing charges. Ukraine Says Russian Explosives Plant Hit, Two Workshops Destroyed The information reportedly included Belenkiy’s date of birth, address, telephone number, passport number, a copy of his Russian passport, and a copy of his Bulgarian residency permit.

Binance says it complied with legal requests Binance disputed the suggestion that it had improperly handed over the information. “Binance does not make or enforce the laws of any jurisdiction, determine charges, or decide how any government uses information in legal proceedings,” a company spokesperson told Reuters.

The exchange said it cooperates with lawful requests from law enforcement agencies worldwide, subject to applicable legal, privacy, and regulatory requirements. Binance declined to comment specifically on Belenkiy’s case, saying it does not discuss confidential law enforcement requests or individual cases.

The company said in September 2023 that it was fully exiting Russia because operating there was incompatible with its compliance strategy. It said the exit involved no ongoing revenue sharing and no option to buy back the business. Questions over EU data protection rules The disclosure could also raise questions under European data protection law if Belenkiy was registered with Binance as an EU resident.

Mike Bystrov, a lawyer specializing in cryptocurrency regulation, told Reuters that an EU resident would generally be covered by the bloc’s General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). He said GDPR rules could restrict the transfer of personal data to Russia and that disclosure could require a court order and compliance with strict conditions.

However, Reuters could not establish whether Belenkiy was registered with Binance as a Bulgarian resident. Binance did not comment on whether the disclosure in Belenkiy’s case violated GDPR rules and Bulgaria’s Commission for Personal Data Protection did not respond to Reuters’ questions about the case.

Russia has targeted crypto donations to Ukraine Russian authorities have prosecuted a number of people who donated cryptocurrency to Ukrainian causes, according to rights activists tracking such cases. The documents reviewed by Reuters indicate that investigators also asked Binance to identify other people who had transferred cryptocurrency to a wallet used to solicit donations for Ukraine.

The outcome of that request is unclear. The fundraising campaign was promoted by Arkady Babchenko, a Russian journalist and Kremlin critic living in exile. In posts on Telegram, he listed cryptocurrency wallets for donations that he said would be used to purchase medical equipment for Ukrainian soldiers.

Babchenko told Reuters that he had warned people inside Russia against donating to Ukrainian military fundraisers because of the risk of arrest. He described the sharing of Russian donors’ information with Russian authorities as inappropriate. The First Department, a Russian rights organization that obtained the law enforcement documents from a relative of Belenkiy, said the case illustrated the risks faced by Russians supporting Ukraine through cryptocurrency.

Reuters said it could not independently establish whether Binance had provided Russian authorities with information about other users who made similar donations.

economicUnverifiedUSIran
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While a solid industry pricing backdrop suggests upside to JetBlue Airways Corp’s (NASDAQ:JBLU) revenue in the back half of the year, a worsening geopolitical landscape raises risks, according to Seaport Research Partners’ Daniel McKenzie The Analyst: McKenzie downgraded JetBlue from Buy to Neutral, adding that the balance sheet risk has moved “to the front burner” with the Strait of Hormuz still closed.

Check out other analyst stock ratings. The upgrade had quantified the revenue upside from Spirit Airlines’ cessation of operations in May at around $500 million and JetBlue’s management lifted the value of their JetForward plan by $300 million, suggesting that “conservatism remains in that outlook,” the analyst stated.

Another key assumption was that the US-Iran war would end “relatively soon,” he added. However, military experts indicate that the Strait of Hormuz is “unlikely to open anytime soon,” McKenzie pointed out. President Donald Trump signed an agreement in June that set a 60-day deadline for ending the war with Iran and resolving issues on its nuclear program.

The deadline was Monday, according to the Associated Press. Both sides remain at odds. Higher Geopolitical Risk = Lower Valuation Multiple Investors could get a lower entry point into the JetBlue stock, he noted. While jet fuel volatility is a challenge for all industry participants, it poses “a disproportionate risk” to JetBlue Airways, given its “elevated debt levels,” the analyst wrote.

If oil prices rise from ongoing US-Iran hostilities, JetBlue may increase its debt to fund losses. That will make its balance sheet “too indebted,” leading to its shares ultimately becoming “worthless,” McKenzie said. With supply appearing to be modestly higher versus the third quarter, revenue upside for JetBlue Airways“could be limited at a time when it may need to boost ticket prices,” McKenzie said.

JBLU Price Action: Shares of JetBlue Airways had declined by 5.75% to $5.33 at the time of publication on Monday. Image: Shutterstock Š 2026 Benzinga.com. Benzinga does not provide investment advice. All rights reserved. To add Benzinga News as your preferred source on Google, click here.

Location: Iran
economicUnverifiedIsraelChinaTaiwan
○ 1 source

World War II brought unprecedented catastrophe and historical trauma to all humanity. The Chinese mainland and the Taiwan region, as the main Eastern battlefield of the World Anti-Fascist War, waged arduous and heroic struggles and made enormous national sacrifices.

Yet in May this year, President Lai Ching-te, the leader of the Taiwan authorities, brazenly attended a so-called memorial ceremony for Japanese engineer Yoichi Hatta, lauding Hatta’s supposed “contribution to advancing Taiwan’s modernization” during Japan’s colonial rule of Taiwan, and even knelt before a memorial statue of his, sparking an uproar both on the island and beyond.

In fact, Japan imposed colonial rule over Taiwan for half a century after launching its war of aggression against China at the end of the 19th century. During this period, military conquest, political repression, economic plunder, and cultural oppression were intertwined, and its numerous crimes brought profound suffering to the people of Taiwan, constituting the darkest chapter in Taiwan’s history.

Economically, Japanese colonialists, such as Yoichi Hatta, enforced the so-called colonial economic policy of “agricultural Taiwan, industrial Japan,” wantonly plundered Taiwan’s resources. Politically, they exercised high-pressure control through the autocratic rule of the governor-general, the Japanese police, and the Baojia system (a community-based surveillance and mutual responsibility mechanism), depriving the people of Taiwan of their various rights and interests.

Culturally, they systematically imposed enslaving education on the people of Taiwan in an attempt to sever the cultural ties between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait rooted in Chinese civilization. After 1937, the Japanese colonialists further tied Taiwan to the war machine of militarism, forcibly recruiting soldiers and laborers and even conscripting “comfort women” in Taiwan.

The people of Taiwan fought one after another against Japanese aggression and colonial rule, with hundreds of thousands of Chinese compatriots paying for it with their blood and lives. For the sake of partisan and personal interests, the Lai Ching-te authorities have disregarded historical facts and gone to great lengths to whitewash and glorify Japanese colonial rule.

This is undoubtedly a distortion of history, a desecration of the martyrs, and a betrayal of the nation. It once again exposes their nature of currying favor with Japan, selling out Taiwan, and resorting to every means in pursuit of “Taiwan independence” and provocation.

Such conduct is utterly without a bottom line and deeply contemptible. Hope going forward May 2026 marked the 80th anniversary of the opening of the Tokyo Trials. Eighty years ago, this historic trial established that Japanese militarism had launched a war of aggression and exposed the numerous crimes committed by Japanese aggressors in many Asian countries.

The Tokyo Trials upheld the conscience of humanity and delivered historical justice. Together with the Nuremberg Laws, they permanently nailed the fascist war criminals to the pillar of historical disgrace. The historical justice embodied in these two great trials must not be denied, the legal force of their judgments must not be challenged, and the foundations they laid for the postwar international order must not be shaken.

“To forget history is to betray it.” Any words or actions that attempt to rehabilitate the crimes of militarism and fascism constitute a desecration of human conscience and international fairness and justice. They will inevitably meet the resolute opposition of peace-loving people throughout the world and will inevitably be brought before the judgment of history once again.

Taiwan’s return to China is one of the great achievements of World War II, and an important part of the postwar international order. Upholding the one-China principle is not only a consensus of the international community but also an essential obligation for safeguarding the postwar international order, which brooks no challenge.

The Chinese people have the firm resolve, full confidence, and sufficient capability to resolutely thwart all schemes aimed at interfering in China’s internal affairs and obstructing China’s reunification. During World War II, the Chinese and Jewish peoples stood side by side against tremendous hardships and forged a profound friendship.

We deeply remember the pain of history and jointly safeguard historical truth. The emergence of any signs of moving against the tide of history warrants our heightened vigilance. We hope our Israeli friends will see the situation clearly, fully understand the facts concerning the Taiwan question, recognize the sinister intentions and political schemes of the “Taiwan independence” separatist forces, and understand and support the efforts of the Chinese government to achieve national reunification.

The writer is the Chinese ambassador to Israel.

Location: Jerusalem
economicUnverifiedUSIsraelUNRussiaUkraine
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A recent official Knesset report showed a sharp decline in the number of Israelis returning to Israel in recent years, alongside a rise in the number of those leaving the country, Yedioth Ahronoth reported Monday, Anadolu reports. “The wave of hostility towards Israel in the world and the sense of belonging could have led to an increase in the number of Israelis returning, despite the war,” the newspaper said citing a report by the Knesset Research and Information Center The report comes amid widespread public and official anger toward Israel around the world over its US-backed genocidal war on Gaza since Oct.

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The report did not address the proportion of Israelis returning in 2025. The newspaper said the decline coincides with recently published data by Israel’s Central Bureau of Statistics and academic researchers showing a sharp increase in the number of Israelis leaving the country.

“The study also addressed a series of bureaucratic, economic, and social challenges that make it difficult for Israelis to make a decision to return,” the newspaper said. These include long waiting periods to obtain state health insurance, fewer benefits compared with new immigrants, employment challenges and difficulties integrating children into the education system.

READ: Arday backed Palestine; man behind witch hunt believes in racial hierarchy and supports Israel Yedioth Ahronoth said the average annual number of returning Israelis stood at around 9,300 between 2008 and 2012, before falling to around 7,400 between 2013 and 2020.

“There has been a steep decrease in the number of returnees from about 8,000 in 2020 to about 3,800 in 2024 – the lowest number in recent years,” it said. According to the newspaper, the report said the steepest decline occurred in 2023, without providing further details.

The drop in return migration also contributed to Israel’s migration balance deficit between 2022 and 2024, which measures the difference between those entering and leaving the country. According to Central Bureau of Statistics data cited in the report, Israel recorded a migration deficit of around 140,000 people over those three years.

The newspaper said North America has long accounted for the largest share of returning Israelis, but the number returning from there has also fallen sharply. Around half of all returnees between 2005 and 2024 came from North America, while another 13% returned from Britain, Germany and France, and 6% from Russia and Ukraine.

The number of returnees from the US dropped significantly, from around 3,700 in 2020 to only 1,500 in 2024. “The proportion of residents returning from Russia and Ukraine increased significantly in 2022 to 9% from Ukraine and 8% from Russia of all returnees, apparently due to the Russia-Ukraine war,” the newspaper said.

Location: Israel