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strikeAug 17, 2026

Why the Mecca Agreement has given the UAE-Israel alliance the jitters

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Why the Mecca Agreement has given the UAE-Israel alliance the jitters Intelligence services don’t like surprises, especially those who pride themselves on being able to listen in on any conversation anywhere in the world. The Mecca Joint Defence Agreement, signed on 7 August, came as a surprise to the Emiratis and Israeli intelligence services. The Emiratis only found out about it two weeks before it was declared and by then it was too late. Turkey’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan had made little secret of his wish to create a Muslim alliance in reaction to Israel’s genocide in Gaza. He had his setbacks, but never lost hope in the project. But Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS), Saudi Arabia’s de facto ruler, played his cards closer to his chest, making moves that each side in the Iran war could interpret as collegiate. After Saudi Energy Minister Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman signed a nuclear deal in Washington last month, the US President Donald Trump appeared to scupper it by demanding retrospectively that Saudi normalise with Israel. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters Saudi and US air strikes targeted those Popular Mobilisation Force militias who were commanded by "advisers” from Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards (IRGC ) in southern Iraq. Saudi intelligence had got word that they were about to mount cross border raids into Kuwait, Saudi and other sources in the region said. Saudi jets had also attacked Sanaa in Yemen, as the ceasefire with Ansar Allah, also known as the Houthis, unravelled as rockets and drones fell on Saudi oil installations. Fundamental changes To the coalition of states who had joined in the US and Israeli attack on Iran, it looked as if an initially sceptical MBS was - at last- coming on their side. Like all Gulf leaders, MBS may have had conflicting advice. But joining the US military campaign on Iran was very far from his thinking. For the simple truth is that while the two core military campaigns against Iran and Gaza have become frozen conflicts, and are set to stay that way for some time to come, fundamental changes are taking place in the region around them. Launching three wars against Iran, Gaza and Lebanon, and failing to win any of them, but being equally unwilling to retreat, has its consequences on the allies which host US bases. Particularly on the Saudi mindset. For that group of Saudi foreign policy analysts, who were educated in the west, to witness two US presidents arming Israel’s genocide, was a rite of passage. They could no longer count themselves in the western camp. And to then see how the US was unable to defend its own airbases in the region, let alone their host country’s strategic assets, was to heap disdain on contempt. Dr Ahmed Altuwaijri, a former member of the Saudi Shura Council, is at pains to say he does not speak for the Saudi foreign ministry. However, he is a good example of the Saudi intelligentsia to which I am referring. "The Mecca Defence Agreement is coming into life at a crucial time. Everyone has lost faith in Trump. This agreement serves the interests of the whole region, not just those three countries. "It is reshaping the region and will continue to do so, with more countries joining in the future from the Arab world and Islamic world, joining such agreements," he told me. For his former regional allies, Trump has been exposed in this conflict by his inability to turn his war aims into reality. Not winning, or being locked into a stalemate, rather than the stupidity of launching a war of regime change, turns out to be Trump’s original sin. Iran's negotiators have understood this and want to prolong the current impasse over the Strait of Hormuz until Trump’s midterm elections, after which they calculate there is a good chance he could lose control of Congress and return to the negotiating table in a weaker position. All three founding members of the agreement have something to gain. Dr Altuwaijri said:"It serves Pakistan in its feud against India. It serves Turkey, who has found its membership of Nato insufficient deterrence against Israel’s overt threats against it. They openly said that after Iran had been dealt with Turkey was next. "And it serves Saudi Arabia, which will benefit not just from the military power of Turkey and Pakistan, but their intelligence and planning." Out of the shadows Israeli diplomatic and military strategists have been saying for some time that they want to build an alliance against a "Sunni" Muslim pact, and their military cooperation with the United Arab Emirates was the core of this. The joint US-Israeli attack on Iran brought that alliance out of the shadows. Many view Saudi Arabia as the beating heart of the Muslim world. Israel and its followers are, in comparison, recent and wholly western arrivals on the security scene of the region It moved from being covert - with visits by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and accompanying military delegation to Abu Dhabi being denied by the hosts - to overt. For them, the Abraham Accords, to which Mohammed bin Zayed (MBZ), UAE president, was an enthusiastic signatory, had been tested by fire. Israel deployed its most sensitive and high-tech kit to Abu Dhabi, which at the time was taking a big hit from Iranian missiles and drones. Israel also deployed an Iron Dome battery and troops as well as Iron Beam, a battlefield laser, and Spectro, an electro optical system to detect drones. The deployment of Israel's most advanced defence systems under direct Israeli command to an Arab country was seen at the time as groundbreaking. But it was only just the start of a much bigger regional ambition. Once Israel’s foes had all been crushed, an alliance, extending from India to the Eastern Mediterranean, would place Israel at the crossroads of a highway of oil, gas, finance and high tech trade. America and the west could retreat at last, leaving the military keys to the region in Tel Aviv’s hands. The traditional Arab centres of power like Egypt and Syria were destined under this plan to wane, either hopelessly bankrupt or split into confessional and ethnic cantons of power, which is what Israel still plans for Ahmed Sharaa’s Syria. Both the UAE and Israel had similar interests in stoking civil wars in Yemen, Sudan, Libya, and using breakaway states like Somaliland to set up a spider’s web of forward operating military bases to police their new seaborne empire. The Mecca Defence Agreement is a counterweight to this project, if not its nemesis. Competing alliances Its first effect will be to deepen and accelerate the strategic rivalry between Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, its small, but highly active neighbour. This can be measured by monitoring the social media posts of influencers each country deploys. As social media is strictly controlled in each Gulf state and influencers can only post under licence, their posts are an accurate reflection of current official thinking. After the Emiratis were expelled from Yemen in December 2025, Dr Abdul Khalek Abdullah, associate professor in the department of political science at United Arab Emirates University posted: "We do have differences over Yemen 100%, and the difference has gone to a higher level with current escalation. Allies clash… But they mend their differences and build on what they have in common." But by January, his mood had darkened. "The rift between Saudi Arabia and the UAE is deeper than what is at play in Yemen." The Saudi Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud said at the time the future of relations between the two depended on "mutual respect for sovereignty and national security". This period ended with the UAE banning Al Arabiya X accounts and leaving Opec. Last month, there was a brief rapprochement. Turki Al Sheikh, Saudi Royal Court Adviser, posted a photo of Saudi Defence Minister Khalid bin Salman Al Saud and the UAE Vice President Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed Al Nayan in each other’s arms. "Saudi Arabia and the UAE: a story of brotherly relations and a deeply rooted partnership." While Anwar Gargash, former UAE foreign minister, heartedly agreed: "The biggest story in the Gulf is captured in a single photograph." Abdulla bin Mohammed bin Butti Al Hamed, chairman of the UAE National Media Authority, concluded:"Emirati-Saudi relations are an extension of a shared history and deep-rooted fraternal ties between two brotherly peoples, united by a single destiny." But this destiny was not to stay shared for long. Abdul Khalek Abdulla was incandescent at the Mecca Agreement: "If this agreement is not an alliance, then what is the name that befits it? Was it done with the knowledge of the GCC states? Does it strengthen the Gulf Joint Defence Agreement of 2000 which collapsed because of Iranian aggression?" Then he posted in Trump-like capitals: "Gulf cooperation is NOT in its best state - it suffers from neglect by its major states who search for security OUTSIDE the Gulf house. The rush to establish regional political axes and military alliances comes at the expense of Gulf cooperation and weakens it." The kingdom has many allies in the Emirates who are keeping their head down and staying silent, but who are just as critical of the path MBZ is taking them all on, not least his alliance with Netanyahu To which Prince Abdulrahman bin Musaed replied: “What’s the problem, Doctor? Isn’t it the right of any state to make agreements with any country as it sees fit? Isn’t this a sovereign matter for every state? Or does this principle not seem logical to you when it concerns Saudi Arabia?!” Dr Ahmed Al-Sanie, also from Saudi Arabia, posted: "Five years ago, the idea that an Emirati account would attack 'Saudi strategic depth' was like science fiction. The Mecca agreement exposed the bitter truth: we disagreed because Riyadh decided to be the ‘beating heart’ of Gulf decision-making, not merely the 'funding heart' for others’ ambitions." The Saudis now fully expect MBZ to make life as difficult as possible for them in Yemen and Sudan. One analyst, speaking on condition of anonymity said: "The situation will get worse between Saudi and UAE, the UAE will purposefully complicate and sabotage things in Yemen and Sudan, and they will push Egypt to take more serious and public stances against the Saudis." If it got to this level, I am told, the kingdom might be tempted to look at regime change in Abu Dhabi, as this would be the easiest way to stop the local feud. The kingdom has many allies in the Emirates who are keeping their head down and staying silent, but who are just as critical of the path MBZ is taking them all on, not least his alliance with Netanyahu. The Saudis are serious about reclaiming power over their own strategic decisions, which is one reason why they opposed the inclusion of Egypt in the Mecca Agreement. However, last week, Hakan Fidan stated during a brief visit to Egypt that he hoped Egypt will join Saudi Arabia and Pakistan in the Mecca Agreement. Fidan assured that he hopes "Egypt will be an official partner and that the quartet will continue its work". Protection and answers The two competing military alliances are being framed in Washington as an alliance of strategic depth, versus an alliance which is nimble and transactional. "At first glance, the UAE-Israel bloc delivers more tangible gains for both parties, but the Mecca pact may ultimately resonate more broadly and less transactionally," Theodore Singer, a former US intelligence officer, told Middle East Eye. But the Mecca Agreement wins hands down when you look at it through the lens of legitimacy, a concept which admittedly is not often summoned in a landscape of absolute rulers and dictators. Many view Saudi Arabia as the beating heart of the Muslim world. Israel and its followers are, in comparison, recent and wholly western arrivals on the security scene of the region. Thanks to America, Israel may have the cutting military edge but it lacks the regional legitimacy to wield it. Furthermore, these wars are not achieving their military aims. Netanyahu and Trump have brought the Gulf to the brink of destruction, and the war has brought traffic through the Strait of Hormuz to a stop. "Trump is trapped. If he does a deal with Iran, it will be on Iran’s terms. If he fights on, the domestic opposition before an election will spiral," Dr Altuwaijri said. In both Gaza and southern Lebanon Israel is building major infrastructure works to cement their presence. Withdrawal is not on the cards on either front. Frustrated in its military aims to dismantle Hamas and Hezbollah, but told by Trump to stop, Israel’s response is to dig in. In these circumstances, the Arab world will increasingly look to the Mecca Alliance for protection and for answers. Whether or not they find them, it is the only mechanism powerful enough to create the very thing that has been absent from three years of war - a region that pushes back and which extracts a cost for this sort of wild, madcap adventurism. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye. Middle East Eye delivers independent and unrivalled coverage and analysis of the Middle East, North Africa and beyond. To learn more about republishing this content and the associated fees, please fill out this form. More about MEE can be found here.

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  • David HearstBy David Hearst

    Why the Mecca Agreement has given the UAE-Israel alliance the jitters Intelligence services don’t like surprises, especially those who pride themselves on being able to listen in on any conversation anywhere in the world. The Mecca Joint Defence Agreement, signed on 7 August, cam

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U.S. President Donald Trump said on Tuesday no talks were taking place with Iran and none were scheduled, and he insisted that the Strait of Hormuz was open, contradicting an earlier Iranian assertion that the critical waterway remained shut to shipping.

The receding prospects of a deal to end the nearly six-month conflict drove up oil prices again on Tuesday, while stock markets sagged and borrowing costs for major economies including the U.S. hit multi-decade highs, amid concerns about the long-term inflationary and fiscal impact of the crisis.

A temporary ceasefire agreement expired on Monday and a senior Iranian official told Reuters that his country was moving to a “fully offensive” military posture due to the diplomatic stalemate, though there were no reports of fresh strikes by either side on Tuesday.

“There are no talks or conversations going on, or scheduled, with the Islamic Republic of Iran,” Trump said in a post on Truth Social on Tuesday. “The Naval Blockade remains in full force and effect. The Hormuz Strait is open and operating. All water mines have been removed or detonated,” he added.

On Monday, Jared Kushner, Trump's son-in-law and special envoy, had sounded an optimistic note, saying talks with Iran were still under way and were “probably more robust” than they had ever been. Despite Trump's typically ebullient remarks about the situation in the Gulf, preliminary shipping data on Tuesday showed ship crossings via the Strait of Hormuz were still in single digits on Monday.

The United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations said it received a report on Tuesday that a vessel was struck by an unknown projectile while transiting outbound in the Strait of Hormuz, causing engine room damage and a crew casualty. The remaining crew were being assisted by the Omani Coast Guard, according to the report.

Top Iranian negotiator Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf said in comments published by state media that the strait would remain shut until the U.S. met the conditions of an interim deal signed with Iran in June. These conditions include the U.S. lifting its blockade of Iranian ports, lifting oil sanctions, releasing Tehran's frozen assets, and ending threats and military operations on all fronts, Qalibaf told parliament.

A memorandum of understanding signed on June 17 had set a 60-day time frame for a broader deal on Iran's nuclear programme and U.S. sanctions. That period elapsed on Monday and Trump said he had no plans to extend it. The agreement, which declared the “immediate and permanent termination of military operations on all fronts,” had quickly unravelled over a dispute about control of the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow waterway through which a fifth of global oil and liquefied natural gas flowed before the war.

Both Trump and Tehran have frequently switched between threats and more emollient rhetoric as they seek a way out of the crisis, which erupted when the U.S. and Israel launched strikes against Iran on February 28. Iran remains open to dialogue with the U.

S. but does not confuse negotiations with surrender, Mohammad Mokhber, an adviser to Iran's supreme leader, said on Tuesday, according to the semi-official Fars news agency. Mokhber said military pressure and sanctions would not break Iran's resolve and that the country would defend its security, dignity and allies while not seeking war.

Even as Iran projects resilience in the war, its leaders are worried that a threat of more economic punishment could increase hardships, reignite unrest and further erode the Islamic Republic’s legitimacy, according to three Iranian officials. Thousands of people have been killed in the conflict, mainly in Iran and Lebanon.

Iran has bombed U.S. military bases and infrastructure in countries including Oman, Jordan, Kuwait, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia. Benchmark Brent crude oil futures have surged during the conflict, hitting a peak of $126 a barrel, roughly 75% above pre-war levels.

Brent crude futures settled up 20 cents on Tuesday at just over $91 a barrel. For Americans who will vote in November congressional elections, gasoline prices have risen above $4 per gallon, up from less than $3 before the war, according to the automotive group AAA.

Location: Tehran
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Iran is rebuilding the upper ranks of its military and security establishment after months of wartime losses by turning largely to familiar veterans — figures whose careers in some cases stretch back to the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the Iran-Iraq War and previous domestic crackdowns.

The appointments follow the deaths of several senior Iranian commanders in U.S.-Israeli strikes since the war began Feb. 28, The National reported Aug. 11. For Washington, the stakes go beyond who fills the vacancies. The reshuffle puts veteran hardliners atop institutions that shape Iran’s military operations, national-security policy and internal security at a time of renewed confrontation with the United States.

The appointments do not prove that Tehran has run out of younger commanders or that loyalty was the sole criterion, but the reliance on figures whose careers stretch back decades is raising a broader question for U.S. policymakers: whether wartime losses have left Iran increasingly dependent on a smaller circle of trusted ideologues — potentially narrowing the room for compromise even as Washington tries to pressure Tehran back toward a deal.

IRAN’S REVOLUTIONARY GUARD SIDELINES PRESIDENT AS MILITARY GRIP EXPANDS Former American prisoner Morad Tahbaz, who was detained in Iran in 2018 and freed in a U.S.-Iran prisoner exchange in September 2023, told Fox News Digital that he views the latest appointments as evidence of Tehran's continued dependence on longtime loyalists.

"They keep rotating the same old people, most of whom are fairly inept but are loyal to the Khamenei father and son," Tahbaz told Fox News Digital. The reshuffle spans Iran's conventional military, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, its naval arm, the Basij paramilitary force and the country's highest national-security council.

Iran's state-run IRNA reported Aug. 10 that Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei appointed Ali Abdollahi chief of staff of the Armed Forces, Kioumars Heydari his deputy, Ahmad Vahidi commander of the IRGC, Mostafa Izadi deputy IRGC commander, Ali Ozmaei commander of the IRGC Navy and Hossein Taeb head of the Basij.

The previous day, former IRGC commander Mohsen Rezaei, 71, was named secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and Khamenei's representative on the powerful body. Reuters reported Aug. 10 that the SNSC coordinates Iran's security and foreign policy and that Rezaei replaced Mohammad Baqer Zolqadr, who had been appointed secretary in late March following the death of his predecessor, Ali Larijani.

The appointments do not establish that Iran has run out of younger or less familiar commanders. But the reliance on longtime military and security figures has fueled assessments that wartime losses have narrowed the regime's pool of officials it regards as sufficiently experienced and politically trustworthy.

Erfan Fard wrote for the Middle East Forum on Aug. 15 that Khamenei was not promoting a new generation but turning to veterans of the revolution, the Iran-Iraq War, intelligence operations and domestic repression, arguing that an architecture based on "institutional memory, loyalty, and coercive power" was taking shape.

The Foundation for Defense of Democracies argued in an Aug. 12 policy brief that the reshuffle looked "less like renewal than a game of musical chairs among regime veterans." The appointments also formalized the position of Ahmad Vahidi, a veteran hardliner who had already emerged near the center of wartime decision-making.

Vahidi was a major player in shaping Tehran's wartime policy and had risen through the IRGC's early intelligence and external-operations apparatus before later serving as defense and interior minister. As interior minister, Vahidi oversaw police units involved in the crackdown on the 2022 protests.

IRNA confirmed Aug. 10 that Khamenei promoted Vahidi to major general and formally appointed him commander-in-chief of the IRGC. WHO IS AHMAD VAHIDI? IRAN’S NEW IRGC CHIEF TIED TO GLOBAL ATTACKS AND ‘DEATH TO AMERICA’ IDEOLOGY Hossein Taeb: The intelligence veteran returns to the Basij to build a ‘20-million-strong Basij force.

’ One of the most closely watched appointments is Hossein Taeb, the cleric and veteran security official tapped to lead the Basij, the IRGC's volunteer paramilitary force that has repeatedly been used against domestic dissent. The National reported that the Basij has been used to suppress internal dissent, while The Times reported Aug.

12 that the force is embedded in neighborhoods, universities, workplaces, factories, ministries and mosques and has played a central role in suppressing successive uprisings. For Tahbaz, Taeb's return is personal. Tahbaz was detained in 2018, while Taeb was leading the IRGC Intelligence Organization.

"Ta’eb is extremely close to Mojtaba Khamenei but was very unceremoniously fired from his former position as head of the IRGC Intelligence Organization," Tahbaz told Fox News Digital. "He was personally responsible for my and my colleagues' arrests and detentions.

He lives and breathes conspiracy theories." The Times reported Aug. 12 that Taeb and Mojtaba Khamenei's relationship dates back more than four decades and that both served in the Habib Battalion during the Iran-Iraq War. The newspaper also reported that IRGC intelligence arrested environmentalists and dual nationals during Taeb's tenure.

Taeb previously commanded the Basij before moving into IRGC intelligence. The Times reported that months after the disputed 2009 election, the Guards' intelligence division was elevated into an independent organization with Taeb as its first chief. Taeb's earlier leadership of the Basij also drew U.

S. sanctions. In a Sept. 29, 2010 Treasury Department fact sheet, the U.S. government said that while Taeb commanded the Basij during the June 2009 election, forces under his command participated in "beatings, murder, and arbitrary arrests and detentions of peaceful protestors.

" According to IRNA, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf congratulated Taeb on his appointment as head of the Basij Organization, saying his tenure could mark a new chapter for the volunteer force. Ghalibaf said the Basij now needs a more comprehensive and forward-looking approach and argued that Taeb’s appointment by the supreme leader could help advance what he described as one of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s longstanding goals: building a 20-million-strong Basij force.

UN WATCHDOG SLAMS POTENTIAL ELECTION OF IRAN TO PANEL WITH HUMAN RIGHTS SWAY: 'LUNATICS RUNNING THE ASYLUM' Mohsen Rezaei: Back at the center after four decades Few appointments better illustrate the return of Iran's old guard than Mohsen Rezaei, who was named secretary of the Supreme National Security Council.

Reuters reported Aug. 10 that Rezaei joined the IRGC shortly after the 1979 revolution, became its commander in 1981 at age 27 and led the force for 16 years, including through most of the 1980-88 Iran-Iraq War. He later served as secretary of Iran's Expediency Discernment Council for more than two decades and as vice president for economic affairs from 2021 to 2023 under President Ebrahim Raisi.

Now, at 71, he is secretary of the SNSC and Khamenei's representative on the body. Beni Sabti, an Iran expert at Israel's Institute for National Security Studies, argued that bringing back longtime figures such as Rezaei reflects weakness rather than renewal.

"This is, again, another evidence that they don't have anyone else," Sabti told Fox News Digital. "So they have to bring him out again from the desk and put him somewhere. These are the guys that they have." Rezaei and Vahidi were also among six people for whom INTERPOL authorized Red Notices requested by Argentina in 2007 in connection with the investigation into the 1994 bombing of the AMIA Jewish community center in Buenos Aires.

INTERPOL said in November 2007 that its General Assembly upheld the publication of notices for six individuals, including Ahmad Vahidi and Mohsen Rezaei, after Iran challenged Argentina's requests. Sabti argued that Rezaei's re-emergence is particularly telling because Tehran's decision-making circle has become less ideologically diverse.

"Today, there is only one opinion, and this is the main problem," Sabti said. "This is why you think that there is unity and the system is stronger. No, it's not stronger. Actually, it's weaker also because of that." TRADE VESSEL STRUCK BY PROJECTILE IN STRAIT OF HORMUZ AMID US-IRAN TALKS Ali Abdollahi: A wartime commander takes the top military job Ali Abdollahi was elevated to chief of staff of Iran's Armed Forces, putting him at the top of the country's military command structure.

IRNA confirmed the appointment Aug. 10. Abdollahi had previously commanded the Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters, Iran's joint operational command responsible for coordinating its armed forces in wartime, according to Iran International on Aug. 10.

His appointment also comes amid an effort to integrate the Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters more closely with the Armed Forces General Staff. Le Monde reported Aug. 11 that Abdollahi's task includes completing that integration in an effort to further centralize command and coordination.

Fard argued in his Aug. 15 Middle East Forum analysis that Abdollahi's elevation exemplifies Tehran's reliance on longstanding revolutionary-security figures rather than a generational break. FREED AMERICAN REVEALS BRUTAL IRAN PRISON ORDEAL, WARNS HOSTAGES FACE GREATER DANGER Kioumars Heydari: The regular army moves closer to the center Former Army Ground Forces commander Kioumars Heydari was appointed deputy chief of staff of the Armed Forces, bringing a senior officer from Iran's conventional military into the new command structure.

The National reported that Heydari formerly commanded the Army Ground Forces and has held senior positions in Iran's regular army, known as the Artesh. IRNA independently confirmed his appointment. His inclusion also demonstrates that the reshuffle is not limited to the IRGC.

Fard argued in the Middle East Forum that Heydari's previous public rhetoric surrounding protest suppression indicates that Tehran has increasingly integrated the regular army into its domestic-security posture. Mostafa Izadi: Another veteran rises inside the IRGC Mostafa Izadi was appointed Vahidi's deputy, putting another longtime commander near the top of the IRGC hierarchy.

IRNA confirmed Izadi's appointment Aug. 10, while The National described him Aug. 11 as a veteran commander who has held a number of senior positions in Iran's military and security establishment. Iran International reported that Izadi previously commanded the Cyber and New Threats Headquarters within the Khatam al-Anbiya Central Headquarters.

IRAN HARDLINER BEHIND US DEAL WARNS TEHRAN WON’T HONOR AGREEMENT IF TRUMP FAILS TO DELIVER Ali Ozmaei: A new commander at one of Iran's most sensitive fronts Rear Adm. Ali Ozmaei was appointed commander of the IRGC Navy, putting him in charge of a force central to Iran's military posture in the Persian Gulf and Strait of Hormuz.

The National reported Aug. 11 that Ozmaei replaced Alireza Tangsiri, who was killed in an Israeli airstrike in March, and that the IRGC Navy is responsible for Iran's military operations in the Gulf and around the Strait of Hormuz. Iranian state media also highlighted Ozmaei's longstanding maritime experience.

IRNA reported Aug. 11 that Parliament Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf praised Ozmaei's years in maritime defense and his familiarity with the current conflict and the Strait of Hormuz. The appointment came one day before Rezaei said the Strait of Hormuz would remain closed unless the United States changed its behavior and accepted Iran's conditions.

Reuters reported that Rezaei said Washington would have to end the war and unfreeze Iranian funds overseas, with other conditions relayed through mediators. Taken together, the seven personnel changes show Tehran moving to fill and reshuffle critical military and security posts after significant wartime losses.

What remains an assessment rather than an established fact is whether the identities of those chosen reveal a deeper shortage of trusted successors. Sabti said the return of veteran figures reflected what he sees as a shrinking bench of trusted officials and a less diverse decision-making circle.

Tahbaz offered a less academic version of that assessment. CLICK HERE TO DOWNLOAD THE FOX NEWS APP "They keep rotating the same old people," he said.

Location: Tehran
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Middle East: No talks or conversations with Iran, Trump saysPublished August 18, 2026last updated August 18, 2026 What you need to know - Trump says 'no talks or conversations' between the US and Iran are held or scheduled - Syria, US, Turkey condemn Israeli strikes in Idlib - HRW says UN peacekeepers must remain in Lebanon Read below for a roundup of the latest headlines on the Iran war and other developments in the Middle East region on Tuesday, August 18, 2026.

Tired of missing our real-time updates? Click here to add us as a Preferred Source on Google. Then tap the "Star" or "Preferred" to keep DW News at the top of your feed. Syria, US condemn Israeli strikes on military base Eight Israeli airstrikes hit an unused airbase in northwestern Syria's Idlib province early on Tuesday, Syrian state media reported, in attacks widely condemned by Damascus and Washington.

The attacks struck the runway and storage facilities at Abu al-Duhur base, Syrian state-run broadcaster Al-Ikhbariya reported, some 70 kilometers (43.5 miles) from the Turkish border. Turkey is a key ally of Syria's interim government, in power since ousting former President Bashar Assad in a December 2024 lightning offensive.

Read our full report on the Israeli strikes here. 'No talks or conversations' with Iran, Trump says US President Donald Trump stressed on Tuesday that no talks or conversations between Washington and Tehran were being held or were scheduled. "The Naval Blockade remains in full force and effect," Trump wrote on his Truth Social platform, claiming that the strategic Strait of Hormuz is "open and operating," in contradiction to Iranian reports.

"All water mines have been removed or detonated," Trump said of the strait, through which a fifth of the world's oil transited before the war began in late February. Trump's latest statement came after a 60-day negotiating period between the US and Iran ended with no clear resolution, causing stock markets to largely fall and interest rates to spike on Tuesday.

Earlier on Tuesday, the British military's UK Maritime Trade Operations center reported that a projectile hit a ship as it sailed out of the Strait of Hormuz. Welcome to our coverage Thank you for joining us as we bring you the latest on the situation in the Middle East, where US President Donald Trump has once again dismissed any potential breakthrough in negotiations with Iran, saying no talks or conversations are currently going on.

This comes a day after his son-in-law and envoy Jared Kushner was in Israel, discussing with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ways to advance Trump's peace plan in Gaza. On Tuesday, Israel struck a military airbase in Syria, drawing condemnation from Washington.

Elsewhere in the region, Human Rights Watch is warning of the planned withdrawal of UN peacekeeping troops from Lebanon after their mandate expires this year.

Location: Tehran
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President Trump stated that no talks with Iran are taking place or scheduled and asserted that the Strait of Hormuz remains open, contradicting reports from his envoy, Jared Kushner, who indicated that conversations were ongoing. Meanwhile, Iranian officials claim the strait will stay closed until the U.

S. lifts sanctions and releases frozen assets, conditions that remain unmet.

Location: Iran