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strikeApr 13, 2026

How the Pentagon Can Manage the Risks of AI Warfare

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How the Pentagon Can Manage the Risks of AI Warfare If warfighters don’t trust the technology, they won’t use it. The U.S. military struck more than 13,000 targets in the war on Iran, and used artificial intelligence to help plan operations. AI tools were used to synthesize intelligence, help prioritize targets, and build strike packages. The battle space is changing, but the age of AI warfare is already here. In addition to Iran, AI has been used for real-world operations in Ukraine, Gaza, and Venezuela. And next up is agentic warfare, in which AI systems are used as agents to take action. Over the next few years, these AI agents will be adopted by militaries to improve workflows in everything from logistics and maintenance to offensive cyberoperations. Given all these capabilities, AI has the potential to dramatically change the cognitive speed and scale of warfare. Yet military AI comes with profound risks. The dangers go beyond the use of autonomous weapons, which was one of the sticking points in the recent dispute between the Pentagon and leading AI company Anthropic. General-purpose AI systems such as large language models are prone to novel failure modes, vulnerable to hacking and manipulation, and have even been demonstrated to lie and scheme against their own users. The U.S. military struck more than 13,000 targets in the war on Iran, and used artificial intelligence to help plan operations. AI tools were used to synthesize intelligence, help prioritize targets, and build strike packages. The battle space is changing, but the age of AI warfare is already here. In addition to Iran, AI has been used for real-world operations in Ukraine, Gaza, and Venezuela. And next up is agentic warfare, in which AI systems are used as agents to take action. Over the next few years, these AI agents will be adopted by militaries to improve workflows in everything from logistics and maintenance to offensive cyberoperations. Given all these capabilities, AI has the potential to dramatically change the cognitive speed and scale of warfare. Yet military AI comes with profound risks. The dangers go beyond the use of autonomous weapons, which was one of the sticking points in the recent dispute between the Pentagon and leading AI company Anthropic. General-purpose AI systems such as large language models are prone to novel failure modes, vulnerable to hacking and manipulation, and have even been demonstrated to lie and scheme against their own users. To use AI effectively, militaries will need to not only harness the promise of AI but also grapple with its limitations and risks. The U.S. military is ahead of competitors in employing frontier AI in real-world operations, but AI proliferates rapidly. Nations will need to cooperate and share best practices for how to use AI so that humans remain in control of warfare. The United States has led international efforts to bring countries together around responsible military AI use. As AI continues to advance, these principles will need to be updated to account for AI’s new capabilities and risks. But first, the U.S. military must figure out for itself how to use AI effectively. New rules for AI warfare are needed, not to tie the hands of warfighters but to empower them with tools that reliably work in the chaos of combat. Above all, AI must be a tool to enhance human decision-making, not surrender it to machines. Nearly 10 years after the Defense Department launched Project Maven to apply machine learning to analyzing drone video feeds, AI technology has profoundly evolved, as have its military applications. Narrow AI applications, such as identifying and tracking objects, are integrated into U.S. operations. The U.S. military has begun using large language models, including on its classified networks. In a fluid and dynamic battlefield environment, such as in U.S. operations against Iran, AI can help process large amounts of information and plan operations at a much faster tempo than humans could on their own. General-purpose AI systems have a wide range of applications, from drafting personnel reports and orders to synthesizing massive amounts of data. They can write code, analyze data, and generate documents. Agentic systems go a step further. They can take actions on computers to create, organize, and delete files; manage steps in a workflow process; build software; engage on the internet; and interact with other agents. Yet the limitations and vulnerabilities of these general-purpose AI systems are especially concerning in a national security context, where decisions could have major consequences and clever adversaries will try to undermine AI systems. All technologies have limitations that militaries must account for in their employment. Every capability has countermeasures, and there are counter-countermeasures. AI is no different. As a relatively immature technology, AI systems suffer from two compounding problems. AI is not (yet) very reliable, especially for military applications for which there may not be sufficient training data. And because AI scientists and military professionals don’t (yet) have much experience with these tools, developers and users may not understand the boundaries of where AI systems will perform well and where they will fail. These problems are exacerbated by a challenge unique to AI—its opacity. Large language models rely on neural networks with hundreds of billions of connections. They are trained on massive datasets of trillions of words. If an airplane autopilot fails, it is possible to go through the aircraft’s code and determine which environmental or pilot inputs caused a certain reaction by the autopilot and how that led to a crash. For a large language model, the answer to why the model generated certain text is embedded in the billions of connections of the neural network and the trillions of words in its database. This is a problem because large language models are prone to a variety of failure modes. They often engage in “hallucinations,” confidently making things up. They can be susceptible to biases that may exist in their training data. And language models tend toward sycophancy, over-agreeing with their user to a fault. These failures could crop up in dangerous ways in national security applications. Language models that are processing information could get subtle but important details wrong that might be missed by a human overseeing their output. Models that are generating text might create false information. AI tools used by intelligence analysts to understand and process intel might unintentionally reinforce the biases of human analysts, adding machine-driven sycophancy to the human risk of confirmation bias—the seeking out of information that confirms preconceived ideas. Even if AI systems deliver correct information, their opacity itself could be a challenge if humans are not able to understand why an AI system came to a certain conclusion or recommended a course of action. AI systems also open new avenues for attackers. Adversaries can manipulate AI systems in a variety of nefarious ways. Data-poisoning attacks subtly alter the training data (including in ways that cannot be detected) to implant backdoors into an AI system that can later be exploited. Adversarial attacks expose AI systems to manipulated data while they are in use, causing AI systems to fail or change their behavior. This could lead AI systems to misidentify targets, come to faulty conclusions, or allow adversaries to evade AI detection. In one experiment, attackers placed stickers on a test track—like cognitive landmines—to trick a Tesla into swerving into the oncoming lane. Large language models can be manipulated by prompt injection attacks that expose the model to malicious instructions. Malicious text in an email or intercepted enemy communications could cause a model to ignore previous instructions and instead follow directions from an attacker. AI agents raise even greater risks. They can have a larger attack surface, since the agent may be interacting with untrusted data, including in some cases operating on the internet. And the consequences of an AI agent being suborned by an attacker could be more severe, since the agent will be taking actions on a computer or as part of a workflow. Security researchers have compromised a language model’s memory feature through the AI system visiting an untrusted website with malicious instructions. Inserting instructions into the memory gives attackers persistent access, which security researchers have used to exfiltrate data. Security risks can even propagate from agent to agent. In one experiment, researchers found that a single compromised agent could spread an infection exponentially through a network of up to a million agents as they interacted with one another. AI agents and networks of agents will be vital tools for militaries but introduce new security vulnerabilities that no one is prepared for. AI security vulnerabilities are analogous to cyber vulnerabilities, but they work at the cognitive level of how an AI system is trained or processes information. They are perhaps closer to optical illusions or human cognitive biases but exist in alien machine intelligences that we do not fully understand. Robust defenses do not yet exist. These vulnerabilities are not a reason to forgo AI. Instead, militaries must prioritize security as they adopt AI. AI adoption must go hand in hand with developing standards, testing, and red-teaming AI systems to ensure that they are secure and reliable. Security cannot be an afterthought, as it too often is in cyberspace. Perhaps the strangest risk is the possibility that an AI system might, on its own, decide to deceive or scheme against its developers or users. Such a scenario might seem like science fiction, but AI systems have demonstrated deceptive behaviors in experimental settings. These include sandbagging performance on evaluations when the AI system believes it is being observed, lying to users in order to accomplish its goals, attempting to blackmail users, and attempting to overwrite files or exfiltrate itself in order to avoid being deleted. Skeptics of the risks of a “rogue AI” have sometimes asked why an AI system would decide to turn on humans. Yet it seems that if an AI system’s directives come into conflict—for example, if an AI system is told to accomplish a goal and to always be honest—under some conditions the AI system will act dishonestly to achieve its goal. Whether the AI system “intends” to deceive or is merely playing a role is an irrelevant philosophical question. The AI system’s behavior is strategic, deceptive, and goal-oriented, and can lead AI systems to work against human users. Even evaluating AI systems for this behavior is tricky because the most capable models exhibit enough situational awareness to know when they are being tested. External evaluators of Anthropic’s Claude Opus 4.6 observed Claude verbalizing awareness that it was being tested, leading the human evaluators to end the test early, since there was not much evidence that could be gained about Claude’s degree of alignment from the test. Militaries and intelligence communities guard against insider threats from people, and they may need similar protections against “AI insider threats” in the future. None of these risks is a reason to halt AI adoption. Artificial intelligence will transform warfare, and the U.S. military must find ways to harness AI for military advantage to stay ahead of competitors. AI technology proliferates extremely rapidly. Open-source models, many of which come from Chinese companies, lag state-of-the-art U.S. proprietary models by only three months. It takes years for militaries to adopt AI technology and effectively transform military operations, making the sliver of a lead that U.S. frontier labs have over Chinese competitors effectively meaningless from the standpoint of military AI. The U.S. and Chinese militaries are competing on a level playing field. The military competition in AI is not over which nation’s private sector is a few months ahead, but over which military is most effective in harnessing AI for battlefield advantage. Of course, speed matters. The Department of Defense AI strategy released in January 2026 overwhelmingly emphasizes moving quickly, and the current Pentagon leadership is rightly focused on bulldozing bureaucratic obstacles to AI adoption. Yet history shows that merely putting new technology in the hands of warfighters is never enough to transform military operations. Military advantage comes from finding the best ways of using new technology, and changes in doctrine, organization, training, and culture are needed to fully reap the benefits of disruptive new technologies. If the U.S. military uses AI to merely do what it is already doing but better, that will be helpful, but it will miss out on the true benefits of AI, which lie in doing things differently. The Pentagon needs to work with the companies that are developing this technology to understand the limitations of AI today and use it effectively. The relationship between Washington and Silicon Valley has been badly damaged by the public feud between Anthropic and the Pentagon. Defense leaders are right that the rules for using military AI should be set by government leaders who are accountable to the public rather than for-profit companies that are accountable to investors and shareholders. AI leaders are also right to point out that large language models are not reliable enough to be trusted with life-and-death decisions on their own and that AI presents novel risks of empowering domestic mass surveillance. If the Pentagon and Anthropic can’t agree on the terms of use for Anthropic’s AI models, both parties are free to end the relationship. The government has the right to seek a contract that does not include restrictions on use. And private companies have a right not to do business with the government if they don’t agree. Given that senior defense leaders have said they want to use Anthropic’s AI tools and that Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei has said he wants to sell to the military, there should be room for common ground. Instead, Pentagon leadership has retaliated against Anthropic by designating it a “supply chain risk,” an unprecedented step against a U.S. company that has already been blocked by a court order. Alienating the AI community is not an effective strategy for bringing AI into the military. There is simply no way for the U.S. military to adopt cutting-edge AI technology without working constructively with the people and companies who are building AI. After a similar public breakup between Google and the Defense Department over Project Maven nearly a decade ago, the Pentagon went on a charm offensive, engaging AI scientists in industry and academia to hear their concerns. The resulting military AI ethics principles not only helped to repair the breach with the AI community but improved the military’s use of AI by highlighting the importance of ensuring systems were robust, reliable, and trustworthy. Current state-of-the-art AI systems raise even more challenging problems, and the military will need help from AI researchers to solve them. It is vitally important that the military understand AI’s limitations and failure modes so the military can use it reliably. Accelerating AI adoption won’t work if the Pentagon doesn’t accelerate its AI assurance processes in parallel. Speed without reliability is worthless. If warfighters don’t trust AI, they won’t use it. In 2003, after Army Patriot air and missile defense systems shot down two friendly aircraft, the military effectively took it offline for the remainder of the Iraq invasion. The military will need to develop new evaluations, standards, benchmarks, and red-teaming of AI systems to better understand and mitigate AI’s limitations and vulnerabilities. The Defense Department has approached AI and autonomy with a philosophy of “human-machine teaming,” seeking the best ways to optimally use the unique advantages of humans and machines. Some of the Pentagon’s recent steps, such as the launch of GenAI.mil in December 2025, which provided access to large language models for all Defense Department employees on unclassified networks, and the integration of AI tools on classified networks through the Maven Smart System, are excellent ways to build up human experience with AI systems. The more that military and civilian defense personnel interact with AI systems, the more they will mature their intuition for what AI can do and its limitations. Yet we also need human-human teaming between warfighters and engineers. AI presents new opportunities to bolster U.S. defense but also risks. The best way to mitigate these risks is to acknowledge them, understand them, and for the Pentagon and Silicon Valley to work together to address them. Paul Scharre is the executive vice president and director of studies at the Center for a New American Security and author of Four Battlegrounds: Power in the Age of Artificial Intelligence. X: @paul_scharre

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  • Paul ScharreBy Paul Scharre

    How the Pentagon Can Manage the Risks of AI Warfare If warfighters don’t trust the technology, they won’t use it. The U.S. military struck more than 13,000 targets in the war on Iran, and used artificial intelligence to help plan operations. AI tools were used to synthesize intel

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DUBAI, United Arab Emirates (AP) — Iran attacked a tanker in the Strait of Hormuz early Tuesday, forcing its crew to abandon the ship, while the United States conducted yet another round of airstrikes targeting the Islamic Republic as they struggle over control of the key waterway.

The 10 consecutive nights of U.S. airstrikes haven’t compelled Tehran to loosen its grip on the strait, through which about a fifth of all crude oil and natural gas traded once passed in peacetime. Even as the U.S. and Iran inch closer to all-out war again, Iran’s interior minister traveled to Pakistan, a key mediator in the conflict, for talks.

However, it remains unclear just what new deal could be reached to end the fighting. The interim deal signed last month that was meant to end the fighting has crumbled. Shipping through the Strait of Hormuz has largely stalled. And as fighting intensifies, both sides have targeted civilian infrastructure relied on by millions of people.

“Iran and groups supportive of Iran may target other U.S. interests overseas or at locations associated with the United States and Americans throughout the world,” the U.S. State Department said in a new warning to Americans. The escalation has pushed oil prices higher in recent weeks.

Benchmark Brent crude traded Tuesday above $88 a barrel and regular gasoline in the U.S. climbed to an average of $4 a gallon, keeping pressure on Americans’ wallets ahead of midterm elections this fall. Meanwhile, the U.S. military identified two soldiers who were killed in Jordan in attacks that left a third person missing.

Separately, the military confirmed another death in Iraq on Saturday during the “controlled detonation” of a downed Iranian drone. President Donald Trump took to social media on Monday to warn that “Every time Iran kills an American Soldier they will pay for that killing many times over!

” Trump was planning to attend a ceremony on Tuesday evening at Dover Air Force Base, where at least one service member’s remains were due to arrive. US strikes come as ships attacked The U.S. military’s Central Command said Tuesday it targeted “Iranian military command centers, maritime capabilities, missile and drone launch sites and air defense systems.

” It released more footage of bombings that targeted sites in Iran. “American forces remain postured and prepared to hold Iran accountable for unwarranted aggression toward civilian mariners seeking to freely and openly transit the strait,” the command said.

Iranian state media reported that explosions were heard in Fars, Hormozgan, Ilam, Kerman and Sistan and Baluchistan provinces. However, traffic through the strait has slowed to a crawl during the latest violence. Lloyd's List Intelligence said only three ships transited the strait on Sunday.

The British military’s United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations center said a tanker came under attack early Tuesday in the strait off Oman, forcing the crew to abandon the vessel. Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard claimed the attack, as well as two other attacks on ships Monday in the waterway.

The route around Oman has been the one the U.S. military has encouraged ships to travel to avoid Iran’s control. The UKMTO separately reported Tuesday that another previously unknown attack on a ship took place early the previous day. Tehran also hit U.

S.-allied countries throughout the Middle East. Jordan military's said Tuesday that Iran targeted it with five drones and three missiles, all of which were shot down. Bahrain sounded its missile alert sirens Tuesday afternoon as another Iranian barrage targeted the island kingdom, which is home to the U.

S. Navy's 5th Fleet. Nearly 100 US injuries since early July The Pentagon’s chief spokesperson said nearly 100 U.S. service members have been injured since the U.S. restarted strikes on July 7, and 96% of them have returned to duty.

“The vast majority of injuries experienced were minor concussions,” Sean Parnell posted Monday on X in response to a New York Times report that the Pentagon has withheld information about troop injuries from Iranian strikes. He denied that the Pentagon was hiding data about injuries.

However, the Defense Casualty Analysis System, the military’s clearinghouse for reporting deaths and injuries in conflict, has not been updated as of Monday night with the latest attacks. Yemen rebels threaten attacks on other Mideast waterway Yemen’s Houthi rebels announced a maritime embargo against Saudi Arabia on Monday.

The Houthis, who are backed by Iran, said they would block shipping between the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden by targeting the Bab el-Mandeb, a maritime chokepoint like the Strait of Hormuz, in response to an attack on Sanaa International Airport last week that they blamed on Saudi Arabia.

With the Strait of Hormuz blocked, Saudi Arabia has been relying on a pipeline to the Red Sea to get millions of barrels of oil out to market. The Houthis earlier demonstrated their ability to disrupt shipping there when they targeted ships for months over the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza, with over 100 vessels attacked.

Saudi Arabia’s military said it would keep the waterway open. “All Houthi threats against transiting vessels will be dealt with swiftly and firmly, as such threats are a blatant violation of international law and fall under acts of maritime piracy,” said Maj.

Gen, Turki al-Malki, a Saudi military spokesman. A glimmer of hope for diplomacy Pakistan has intensified diplomatic efforts in recent days to resuscitate the interim deal. Iranian Interior Minister Eskandar Momeni arrived in Islamabad on Monday for two days of talks with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and others.

On Sunday, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio told reporters that the U.S. is still open to negotiating with Iran but that “it has to be real.” “If the door opens to diplomacy — if the guys that want to do something productive for Iran win and take control of that system, or take control of the negotiations — that’ll be a very positive development,” Rubio said.

“That’s not where we are tonight, unfortunately.” Iranian authorities on Sunday said at least 50 people have been killed and 517 wounded in the latest rounds of U.S. strikes. Since the war began on Feb. 28, 17 U.S. service members have been killed.

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US Secretary of War Pete Hegseth posted social media images showing damage to a maritime control tower at Iran’s Chabahar port following reported US military strikes, accompanied by the caption “Iran does not control the Strait of Hormuz.” India’s Ministry of External Affairs stated that the Shahid Beheshti terminal operated by India at the port sustained no damage.

The ministry reiterated its position that civilian infrastructure should not be targeted during conflicts.

Location: Iran
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U.S. strikes Iran and Houthis threaten Saudi Arabia shipping as mediators push 10-day ceasefire - The U.S. has carried out its tenth consecutive evening of attacks against Iran. - Iran attacked a tanker in the Strait of Hormuz early Tuesday, while Houthi militants in Yemen declared a maritime embargo against Saudi Arabia.

- Rystad Energy has warned about the risk of a significant rebound in oil prices. The U.S. completed a fresh round of strikes against Iran on Monday evening as Yemen's Iran-backed Houthis threatened to impose a naval blockade on Saudi Arabia, potentially opening a new front in the Middle East conflict.

The latest cycle of tit-for-tat strikes comes amid reports that regional mediators have presented Washington and Tehran with a proposal for a 10-day ceasefire, a pitch that could put last month's Memorandum of Understanding back on track. The U.S. Central Command said overnight that it had carried out another round of strikes on Iran at 9 p.

m. ET on Monday. "U.S. forces struck Iranian military command centers, maritime capabilities, missile and drone launch sites, and air defense systems to degrade Iran's ability to continue attacking commercial vessels flowing through the Strait of Hormuz," Centcom said in a statement.

It added that commercial vessel transits through the strategically vital waterway were continuing. Centcom forces, the statement said, had facilitated the transit of around 900 commercial vessels and 450 million barrels of crude oil through the strait since early May.

Iran, meanwhile, attacked a tanker in the Strait of Hormuz early Tuesday, forcing its crew to abandon the vessel as it seeks to tighten its control over the waterway, one that typically handles around 20% of the world's oil traffic. Houthi militants in Yemen on Monday declared a maritime embargo against Saudi Arabia effective immediately, a move that could substantially threaten Middle East oil supplies.

The Houthis have repeatedly threatened to close the Bab el-Mandeb Strait during the U.S.-Iran war. The strait is a choke point for commercial ship traffic that connects the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden and global markets. The militants, in a statement carried by state news, accused the Saudis of laying an "aggressive siege" against them.

Tensions escalated last week after they claimed that Riyadh had bombed Sanaa International Airport. The Saudi-led coalition in Yemen said that it would respond to the Houthis naval blockade with force, reportedly describing such threats as "a blatant violation of international law.

" 10-day ceasefire 'won't be an easy task' Oil prices rose briefly on news of the Houthi statement but later pared gains as energy market participants closely monitored the prospect of a diplomatic breakthrough. International benchmark Brent crude futures with September delivery were last seen trading 0.

5% lower at $88.77 per barrel, having surpassed $90 in the previous session. U.S. West Texas Intermediate futures with August delivery, meanwhile, stood 0.4% lower at $82.88. Strategists at ING said there's some hope of de-escalation between the U.S.

and Iran given the reports that mediators are proposing a 10-day ceasefire. "This won't be an easy task," ING's Warren Patterson and Ewa Manthey said in a research note published Tuesday. "Large divisions remain between the US and Iran. And President Trump said the US would retaliate following the deaths of several American troops," they added.

In a post on Truth Social on Monday, President Donald Trump said: "Every time Iran kills an American Soldier they will pay for that killing many times over!" He added that this directive had been passed on to every leader in the military. Saudi Arabia oil risk Jorge León, senior vice president and head of geopolitical analysis at Rystad Energy, said the Houthis' threat puts approximately 2.

5 million barrels per day of Saudi Arabian oil at risk at a time when traffic through the Strait of Hormuz is at a standstill. "With the Gulf's primary maritime outlet largely closed, the market is increasingly dependent on Saudi Arabia's East-West pipeline and Red Sea terminals to maintain export flows," León said Monday in a research note.

Saudi Arabia's East-West pipeline network, or Petroline, is a roughly 750-mile system that transports crude across Saudi Arabia, connecting Abqaiq on the oil-rich kingdom's eastern Gulf coast to the port of Yanbu on the Red Sea. "Any disruption at Bab el-Mandeb would therefore threaten not only Saudi shipments but one of the few remaining routes capable of compensating for the severe reduction in Hormuz traffic," León said.

"If a ceasefire does not materialize and Hormuz remains largely closed while the Houthi threat to Red Sea shipping intensifies, the risk of a significant rebound in oil prices would be substantial," he added. — CNBC's Chloe Taylor and Spencer Kimball both contributed to this report.

Location: Iran
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Yemen's Iran-aligned Houthis announced Monday they would impose a maritime blockade on Saudi Arabia, further throttling a global energy market already greatly restricted by Iran's closure of the Strait of Hormuz. This is why it matters and what it means for the Iran war and the global energy crisis.

It is not clear how the Houthis would carry out a maritime blockade of Saudi Arabia, its northern neighbor along the Red Sea coast, or whether it would include a return to attacks on shipping. Yemen sits on the Bab el-Mandeb strait – the southern gateway to the Red Sea – and closing that would open up a new front in the energy crisis and Iran's overarching conflict with the U.

S. With the Strait of Hormuz already disrupted, the Red Sea has become a critical alternative outlet for Gulf oil and other products. A serious disruption would mean both of the Middle East's major oil export routes are shut simultaneously. Iran's partial blockade of the Strait of Hormuz after Israel and the U.

S. attacked it on Feb. 28 disrupted most oil and other exports from the Gulf, raising prices and delivering a global energy shock. Saudi Arabia responded by diverting more than 70% of its normal daily crude exports to the Red Sea port of Yanbu. Ships from Yanbu bound for Europe go north through the Suez Canal.

Those heading to Asia go south through Bab el-Mandeb. Shipments from Yanbu averaged 4 million barrels per day in recent weeks according to data from Kpler and Signal Ocean, up from around 973,000 bpd a year earlier. Total petroleum volumes transiting Bab el-Mandeb amounted to 7.

4 million bpd in June, or about 7% of global oil output, according to Kpler data, up from 4.2 million bpd last year. That has provided a lifeline for the energy market, helping to keep down global oil prices. Saudi Arabia is considering an expansion of its crude oil pipeline to the Red Sea coast, Reuters reported last week.

When the Houthis launched attacks on Red Sea shipping in November 2023, Gulf oil exports were flowing freely. The Houthis have been in a civil war against the Saudi-backed, internationally recognized government for more than a decade and have attacked Gulf neighbors with missiles and drones.

However, a 2022 truce between the country's warring sides largely held until last week, when Yemen's internationally recognized government said it had struck Sanaa airport to stop an Iranian plane landing. The Houthis said Saudi Arabia was responsible and, in response, fired missiles at Abha airport in the kingdom's mountainous southwest.

A senior Houthi official, politburo member Mohammad al-Farah, then warned in an interview on Iran's Press TV website that if the situation kept escalating, Bab el-Mandeb would be closed. The U.S. says Iran has armed, funded and trained the Houthis with help from Hezbollah.

The Houthis deny being an Iranian proxy and say they develop their own weapons. It is not clear how far the group's stance on Bab el-Mandeb and the Red Sea stems from its own strategic priorities or is being made on Iran's behalf. After Israel's genocidal campaign in Gaza, the Houthis began firing at Israel and on shipping in the Red Sea, saying they were doing so in support of Palestinians.

The attacks severely disrupted global shipping, prompting Maersk, Hapag-Lloyd and other major companies to divert around Africa – a far longer, more expensive route. Red Sea traffic has not recovered since, with traffic through the Suez Canal down 52% in 2025 versus 2023 levels and at its lowest in at least 50 years, Suez Canal Authority data shows.

A U.S.-led mission to restore free navigation in the Red Sea involved repeated strikes on Houthi targets and a campaign that shot down hundreds of drones and missiles. But some Houthi attacks continued until last summer, only ending completely with the Gaza cease-fire in October.

Last month, the Houthis said they would ban ships linked to Israel from the Red Sea after Israel renewed military attacks on Iran. However, that threat was never acted on and shipping groups Maersk and Hapag-Lloyd are resuming some Red Sea routes that they had abandoned during the Houthi attacks last year, Maersk said this month.

While Hezbollah and the Iraqi groups joined the war early with rocket and drone fire after the first U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran, the Houthis had been comparatively quiet. The group's leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi said on March 5: "Our fingers are on the trigger at any moment should developments warrant it.

" Iranian commanders have repeatedly warned that the Houthis could join the war. The Houthis launched a few missile and drone attacks on Israel in late March and early April. Revolutionary Guards Quds Force commander Esmaeil Qaani said on June 1 they could choke off the Red Sea.

That may now have changed with their announcement of the blockade on Monday against Saudi Arabia in retaliation for what they called the kingdom's siege of its ports and airports, including last week's strike.