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strikeMar 14, 2026

US preparing for ‘littoral warfare’ in Strait of Hormuz | The Jerusalem Post

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The US is moving thousands of US Marines to the Middle East as the Iran war continues into its third week. Axios reported on March 13 that US “Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth is sending an amphibious assault ship, the USS Tripoli, and its Marine expeditionary unit to the Middle East, a senior US official confirmed to Axios on Friday." More than 2,500 Marines are likely in the war. The deployment offers Marines and the rest of the US military the chance to finally engage in “littoral warfare,” a concept that has been discussed for decades. In the wake of the Cold War, when the concept of two large conventional armies going toe-to-toe with nuclear arms became less relevant, there was a sense that warfare might shift toward smaller operations. In 1993, Ralph Stokes and Richard Thompson wrote in the Johns Hopkins University Applied Physics Laboratory Technical Digest that “the end of the Cold War and the potential increase of worldwide regional conflicts have produced a significant change in US military and maritime strategy. Many future conflicts will involve joint operations of all forces and will include situations that culminate in massive and highly coordinated power projection operations from the sea.” They noted that “Littoral operations present many stressing and unique challenges and require some rethinking of the broad range of naval roles and missions. This article examines the naval roles, missions, and implications of littoral operations, and identifies key technologies and capabilities required to meet the objectives with maximum effect and minimum losses.” In their paper, they were prescient. They noted that “by definition, littoral warfare involves operations near shore as well as in more confining sea regions, such as the Strait of Hormuz or the Persian Gulf. Near shore means close enough to bring force to bear on the adjacent land, and may range from a few miles for covert surveillance or naval gunfire support to hundreds of miles for aircraft carrier strike operations.” Today, the Strait of Hormuz is in the spotlight, and so is Littoral warfare. The US carried out airstrikes on Kharg Island in the Persian Gulf on Friday, hitting military sites on the island. The island accounts for more than 90% of Iran’s oil exports. Oil reaches the island via pipelines. There are other small islands that may soon be in the spotlight. Time Magazine noted that “three strategically located islands - Abu Musa, Greater Tunb, and Lesser Tunb - positioned at the entrance to the Strait of Hormuz are at the center of a decades-long dispute between Iran and the United Arab Emirates.” An issue going back decades Although there are arguments in the media about whether the US planned for Iran to block the Strait of Hormuz, it is clear that the military has been concerned about this issue for decades. In an article at the US Naval Institute in 2012 by Captain Robert Carney Powers, he noted that “blockage of the Strait of Hormuz by a hostile power was a frequent scenario. The "US-supported nation" (the "Blue" coalition nation) was in need of timely reinforcements to succeed. Red could best succeed by using its significant land forces to seize key objectives before the United States could get more troops and equipment into position. Breaking through the chokepoint at the Strait of Hormuz was essential to ensure the flow of logistic, amphibious, and troop ships into Blue ports. It also was essential to maintain the flow of oil from Middle East nations to the world economy.” When wargaming how the US Navy or a friendly navy would break a blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, it became clear the operation would take “weeks, not days.” As time went by, “this resulted in a logistical bottleneck; troop ships and supplies couldn’t get through the choke point. Large ships piled up waiting for the order to proceed. No oil was transported out of the Persian Gulf. The world economy suffered. Meanwhile, Red ground forces were moving toward their key objectives,” notes Powers in 2012. The US realized it needed smaller ships, leading to the concept of a “littoral combat ship.” This resulted in two types of ships, the USS Freedom and USS Independence, being launched between 2006 and 2008. However, the results of investment in the littoral ships didn’t lead to solving the problem. “As currently configured (weapons, manning, concept), is the LCS up to the tasks it could soon face (in the Strait of Hormuz and elsewhere)? The answer is regretfully ‘no,’” notes Powers. “It has taken 17-plus years since the LCS concept was born to come up with a flawed ship. What must go to accommodate the systems needed to make it relevant to its tasks? The LCS is, after all, a 3,000-ton ship (much larger than a World War II destroyer escort, and three-fourths the size of a Perry- or Knox-class frigate). The space for needed capability can be found.” Littoral combat in the Indo-Pacific Recently, the questions about littoral combat have shifted to focus on the Indo-Pacific, “where China’s militarization of artificial islands, deployment of hypersonic antiship missiles, and expansion of naval and coast guard assets have turned the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait into potential flash points,” an article at the US Naval Institute noted in 2025. Sebastian Bae, who served six years in the Marine Corps, designed a wargame called "Littoral Commander" to simulate the challenges in the Indo-Pacific. As noted by Andrew Feickert, who has written about the US Marine Corps Marine Littoral Regiment (MLR), “in March 2020, the US Marine Corps (USMC) announced a major force design initiative planned to occur over 10 years originally referred to as ‘Force Design 2030,’ which is now known as ‘Force Design.’ Under Force Design, the Marines are redesigning their forces to place greater emphasis on naval expeditionary warfare. As part of the redesign, the Marines originally planned to establish at least three Marine Littoral Regiments (MLRs) organized, trained, and equipped to accomplish a number of missions within contested maritime spaces.” It's now possible that the Marines and the US military in general may engage in the kind of littoral combat that has been discussed for decades. Dan Lamothe, who writes on military affairs for The Washington Post, noted on X the kind of units being sent to the Middle East today: “A Marine expeditionary unit, a foundational force for the Marine Corps that typically deploys on ships but also go ashore as needed.” He notes that an “MEU typically has an infantry battalion, an aviation unit with jets and helicopters, and a logistics component. In this case, it's the 31st MEU from Okinawa, Japan. The infantry battalion training with this MEU is 3rd Battalion, 1st Marines, of Camp Pendleton. They are assigned on a rotational basis. Total number of personnel in the full MEU: About 2,200 to 2,400.” It will arrive with the Tripoli Amphibious Ready Group, consisting of the USS Tripoli and two other vessels (in this case, USS San Diego and USS New Orleans). Navy personnel in an ARG typically number about 2,000, though it can vary. Counting the Marines, that's 4,200 to 4,400 total additional deployers. They work hand-in-hand. Decades of American thought, planning, wargaming, and training have gone into this moment. Far from being a shocking scenario, the closure of the Straits has been imagined for decades. This is unsurprising considering that the 1980s Iran-Iraq war provided a blueprint for many of the challenges we are seeing today.

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The ministry said Japan would strengthen its defense capabilities based on lessons from the US-Iran war, including by using defense equipment also operated by allies and like-minded partners to help ensure rapid supplies from other countries. It also stressed the need to maintain sufficient missile stockpiles and be prepared to quickly increase defense equipment production in an emergency, according to its first report analyzing the Iran war since February.

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Yemen, embroiled in more than a decade of civil conflict, in July became the latest country to be drawn into the Middle East war as the Houthis upended a 2022 truce with the Saudi-backed government. Since then, the Houthis have imposed a maritime blockade of Saudi Arabia and repeatedly attacked its ships in the Red Sea -- a vital alternative route for oil exports after Iran all but halted Gulf shipments by blockading the Strait of Hormuz.

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Another medical source said a civilian had also been killed. Although the Houthis do not control areas bordering Bab al-Mandab, they hold the key port city of Hodeida north of Mokha. "They are going for Bab al-Mandab," said Mohammed al-Basha, of the US-based risk advisory Basha Report.

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"The Houthis feel that if they capture Bab al-Mandab or Mokha port they will be in a better position of power to negotiate with the government and the Saudis," Basha added. With Iran's closure of Hormuz, the Bab al-Mandab chokepoint has gained increased importance as a transit route for oil from Saudi Arabia, the world's biggest exporter of crude.

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They later announced a maritime blockade of Saudi Arabia and began hitting its ships and territory.

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If passed, the resolution would follow up on one adopted on June 12 of last year declaring Iran in breach of its non-proliferation obligations for not fully cooperating with an investigation into uranium traces found at undeclared sites. Israel started bombing Iran's nuclear facilities the next day, soon joined by the U.

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"(The board) requests the (IAEA) Director General to transmit this resolution and the previously adopted resolutions ... to all Members of the Agency and to the Security Council and the General Assembly of the United Nations," said the latest resolution draft seen by Reuters.

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IAEA CONCERNS OVER ENRICHMENT Iran has often retaliated following IAEA board resolutions against it by escalating its nuclear activities or scaling back cooperation with the IAEA, but its options for both are currently extremely limited. It is unclear what other repercussions there might be on Tehran's conflict with the U.

S. As a party to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), Iran has the right to develop nuclear technology, including enrichment, for peaceful purposes. Iran says it would never produce nuclear weapons. It is, however, the only country to enrich to 60% without making a bomb.

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The US launched an air war against Tehran on February 28 in which, together with Israel, it destroyed or badly damaged Iran's uranium-enrichment facilities. Iran has not let International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) inspectors return to the bombed sites since then or verify what remains of its stocks of enriched uranium, some of which was enriched to up to 60% purity, a short step from weapons grade.

Resolution would be culmination of standoff over IAEA's access to nuclear sites A resolution by the IAEA's 35-nation board reporting Iran to the Security Council would also be the culmination of a standoff over IAEA access to those sites, since the board has passed two resolutions in the past year demanding Iran declare its enriched uranium stocks and grant the IAEA full access to verify them.

A draft text for the resolution has yet to be formally submitted to the board and negotiations between countries over the exact wording are ongoing, diplomats said. A draft is usually formally submitted early in the week of a board meeting. As a party to the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), Iran has the right to develop nuclear technology, including enrichment, for peaceful purposes.

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Location: Jerusalem