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strikeAug 27, 2026

After six months of Iran war, US goals have shifted. The Strait of Hormuz is now a top concern

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WASHINGTON (AP) — When President Donald Trump launched the war with Iran in late February, he initially forecast it would last four to five weeks. Six months later, there's still no off-ramp in sight despite Trump's repeated assertions that the war has been won or a deal to resolve it was nearly complete. A June memorandum of understanding designed to pave the way to end the war has fallen by the wayside. U.S. stockpiles of key weapons have diminished and the Trump administration has pivoted to pressuring Iran economically rather than launching more strikes. As the shape of the war has morphed over the last half year, so have the goals for the conflict. One of the prime goals now — reopening the Strait of Hormuz — was not one of Trump's original objectives. The waterway had been a vital shipping lane through which about 20% of the world's oil passed. But Iran seized on it as a chokepoint for the global economy and it has been largely closed since the war started, driving up prices for fuel and fertilizer needed for farms and creating economic and political pressure in the U.S. The U.S. has had tactical success on its goals to degrade Iran's military capabilities. But some of the other key objectives Trump laid out at the start of the conflict remain unfulfilled — and others have shifted. Here’s a look at the objectives and what we know about where they stand: Stop Iran from having a nuclear weapon Last June, Trump declared that the U.S. had “obliterated” Iran’s nuclear program. But when the war started, his aides justified the strikes by warning that Iran had been just weeks away from developing a bomb. One of the most pressing questions has been what will be done with a stockpile of about 970 pounds (440 kilograms) of enriched uranium that Tehran could potentially use for a weapon. The material is believed to be buried under three sites bombed by the U.S. and Israel last year. Trump said in a May 29 social media post that it would be retrieved by the U.S. “in close coordination and conjunction with the Islamic Republic of Iran, plus the International Atomic Energy Agency, and DESTROYED.” Iran has not said whether it would consent. Without permission from Iran, experts have said seizing it would be a dangerous mission requiring a sizable deployment of U.S. troops into the country. Officials said that Tehran reaffirmed in the June memorandum of understanding that it would not procure or develop nuclear weapons. The deal called for Iran to dilute its stockpile of highly enriched uranium. But many other details about Iran's program were left for future negotiations, and it's unclear how much progress, if any, was made before talks quickly fell off. Reopen the Strait of Hormuz Trump has said that a proposed deal with Iran would include the reopening of the strait and the U.S. ending its blockade of Tehran’s ports, but at other times he has suggested the international waterway would somehow become American territory and indicated the U.S. could impose a toll on passing ships. Trump also has repeatedly said that the strait is open, including during an interview on Wednesday on conservative commentator Glenn Beck’s radio show. “It’s a functioning strait. Yes, every once in a while, there’ll be a drone or a rocket or something shot, but it is a very functioning strait,” Trump said. Destroy Iran's ability to fire missiles One of the prime objectives laid out by the administration was to “destroy their missiles and raze their missile industry to the ground." Trump said in late March that Iran's missiles “are mostly decimated" and that 90% of their missiles and launchers were knocked out. By mid-May, that shifted to a more conservative estimate, with the president saying that 82% of Iran's missiles were gone. Iran has shown its ability to still launch attacks in the region, including drone strikes on ships sailing through the strait. As recently as July, the U.S. military still had Iranian military targets to strike, with its Central Command announcing it was striking “Iranian military command centers, air defense and coastal surveillance sites, maritime capabilities, missile and drone launch sites and communications networks.” Destroy Iran's defense industrial base Early in the war, the president and his administration sometimes listed this as a standalone objective. Other times, it has fallen off their list. U.S. Central Command has said its targets for strikes in Iran have included weapons production and missile and drone manufacturing facilities. Secretary of State Marco Rubio told lawmakers in early June that Iran has had “massive destruction” of its defense industrial base and “80 to 90% of attrition. It will take years for them to rebuild it.” Eliminate Iran's navy and air force The U.S. and Israel quickly established air superiority in the skies above Iran, where they flew largely unchallenged. Rubio told lawmakers that Iran still has drone capabilities, but it lacks the ability to use swarms of drones to attack targets, as it did at the start of the war. He also said Iran does not have a navy anymore, and relies on small craft outfitted with machine guns that harass ships and sometimes drop mines in the water. Trump on Wednesday said that Iran's navy and air force are “totally gone." Protect America's Middle Eastern allies Trump, in a March social media post, added another objective for the U.S.: “Protecting, at the highest level, our Middle Eastern Allies, including Israel, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Kuwait, and others." The U.S. maintains thousands of troops on bases and other installations in the region, but Trump has been unclear on how far he'd be willing to go to protect Middle East allies from threats in the long term. In June, when the U.S. said Iran fired missiles at Kuwait and Bahrain, the U.S. launched strikes on Iran in response. But one ally — Oman — has notably not been feeling the warmth of Trump's offer of protection, and instead has grappled with Trump's wrath over the deal it was negotiating with Iran over the Strait of Hormuz. In mid-August, he threatened in an interview that the U.S. would bomb Oman if it “gets in the way," using an expletive for emphasis. Cut off support for Iranian proxy groups In March, Trump and his administration repeatedly said degrading Iran's proxy terror networks was a key goal. As time has gone on, administration officials have offered fewer updates about this objective, which the president described as ensuring that “the region’s terrorist proxies can no longer destabilize the region or the world and attack our forces” and “ensuring that the Iranian regime cannot continue to arm, fund, and direct terrorist armies outside of their borders.” Early on, the U.S. struck Iranian-aligned militia groups in Iraq. But the biggest focus has been Israel's war in Lebanon against Hezbollah, which Iran backs. Iran has insisted that the fighting in Lebanon must be stopped as part of any deal with the U.S. Israel and the Lebanese government announced a deal, which was mediated by the U.S., for Israeli forces to leave southern Lebanon in exchange for Hezbollah's disarmament — something an administration official described as a “huge step,” speaking on condition of anonymity because they were not authorized to address the issue on the record. But the militant group has refused direct talks and its leader has said it will not disarm. ___ Associated Press writer Konstantin Toropin contributed to this report.

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  • MICHELLE L. PRICE, Associated PressBy MICHELLE L. PRICE, Associated Press

    WASHINGTON (AP) — When President Donald Trump launched the war with Iran in late February, he initially forecast it would last four to five weeks. Six months later, there's still no off-ramp in sight despite Trump's repeated assertions that the war has been won or a deal to resol

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As the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran reaches the six-month mark, the Islamic Republic retains dangerous options to impose even higher costs on its militarily superior foes. One tactic raises particular concern among former officials and analysts. At a time when Iran has inflicted billions of dollars of damage in its missile and drone attacks against regional military sites and infrastructure and upended global energy markets with its throttling of traffic in the Strait of Hormuz, a dedicated Iranian cyber campaign could strike at the heart of the U.

S. and potentially prove even more disruptive to both national security and everyday life. Recent reports have already linked Iran to hacks in July that shut down a power plant in the United Kingdom and up to 30 water systems across the U.S. "Cyber is tailor-made for Iran’s asymmetric playbook," Frank Cilluffo, a former Department of Homeland Security official who played a lead role in the White House's immediate post-9/11 security overhaul, told Newsweek.

"Tehran does not need to match the United States plane for plane or ship for ship," Cilluffo, now director of Auburn University's McCrary Institute for Cyber and Critical Infrastructure Security, said. "It can look for softer seams in our economy and critical infrastructure, impose costs far from the battlefield, and create uncertainty about when and where the next shoe may drop.

" The War on Data Since the start of the conflict, Iran has already displayed the capacity to supplement its attacks on military and trade logistics with targeting data centers in the Persian Gulf region that serve a similarly crucial role. In the words of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) spokesperson Brigadier General Hossein Mohebbi during a conference on Monday, "when we destroy an Amazon data center in Bahrain, it does not mean we destroy a company or a complex, it means that we have destroyed and shattered the brain of the operations processor.

" Cilluffo called this strategy "particularly instructive," as it demonstrated Tehran's awareness of how "data centers are no longer simply commercial facilities, they are increasingly the backbone of our economies, AI capabilities and, in some cases, national security.

" An even more dire scenario he pointed out could see Iran combine its kinetic drone and missile capabilities with an added cyber component, potentially even artificial intelligence, to create simultaneous pressure across physical and digital targets.

Even "a limited disruption," Cilluffo warned, "can be exaggerated and amplified through disinformation and social media to create the perception of a much larger attack." "An adversary does not have to destroy critical infrastructure to achieve strategic effect.

It can turn a tactical disruption into outsized economic, psychological and political consequences," he said. "The mistake would be to think of an Iranian cyberattack as something separate from a wider conflict. Tehran has spent decades learning how to operate asymmetrically across domains," he added.

"Cyber gives it another means to reach beyond the battlefield and bring the consequences of a conflict directly to the homeland." The Roots of Iran's Cyber Revolution While not traditionally viewed as having access to the same resources or capabilities as top U.

S. rivals China and Russia, both of whom have also been implicated in scores of cyber operations carried out against the U.S., Iran has a long history engaging in battle on this front. Tehran has also been a frequent target of cyber infiltration, with one of the first major instances being the infamous Stuxnet computer worm that swept through and degraded or destroyed thousands of systems tied to Iran's nuclear enrichment facilities in late 2009.

The disastrous episode served as an impetus for Iran to develop and hone its own cyber prowess. "Iran has been building their capabilities ever since being on the receiving end of the U.S.-Israeli Stuxnet operation, nearly 15 years ago," Jason Healey, a founding member of the White House's Office of the National Cyber Director and the world's first-ever cyber command, Joint Task Force for Computer Network Defense, told Newsweek.

In 2012, then-Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Ayatollah Khamenei, who was later killed on the first day of the ongoing war after Israel allegedly hacked traffic and CCTV cameras to track leadership movements, ordered the establishment of the Supreme Council of Cyberspace.

And by 2015, the IRGC had formed its own Cybersecurity Command, though the elite force had previously pursued cyber activities through its Center to Investigate Organized Crimes. While the stated mission of the IRGC's cyber wing largely pertains to maintaining internal security, preserving the Islamic Republic's values and defending against foreign foes, U.

S. experts and officials also see an offensive mandate. Newsweek has reached out to a representative of Iran's National Center for Cyberspace for comment. Contacted for comment, a U.S. defense official told Newsweek that, "as a matter of operational security, we do not comment or discuss cyber intelligence, plans, operations capabilities, or effects.

" Lethal Potential In most cases, suspected Iran-affiliated cyber operations are attributed to apparent proxy groups, including the Iranian Cyber Army, first active in 2009 as one of the earliest known groups linked by analysts to Iran. Many more have emerged since, such as those variously designated as APT—or Advanced Persistent Threat—33 (Elfin Team), APT 34 (Helix Kitten), APT 42 (Mint Sandstorm) and MuddyWater.

The latest alleged Iranian attacks on U.S. water systems were not the first of their kind. Iran-tied actors were blamed for earlier cyberattacks against a New York dam in 2013 and Pennsylvania local water authority a decade later, the latter being carried out by a group calling itself CyberAv3ngers.

CyberAv3ngers is one of several actors to have emerged in the wake of the outbreak of the war in Gaza in October 2023. Another known as the Handala Hack Team has taken credit for a number of attacks throughout the nearly three-year Middle East crisis, perhaps most notably wiping the systems of U.

S. medical company Stryker Corporation in March of this year, shortly after the start the of the U.S.-Israeli war against Iran. Even more recently, Iran's semi-official Tasnim News Agency reported Tuesday on an operation by the so-called Cyber Support Front to infiltrate the network of Israeli company Novamill, claimed to be involved in the manufacturing of weapons systems.

Healey, now serving as senior research scholar at Columbia University’s School for International and Public Affairs, warned "someday soon they might succeed with an attack on U.S. infrastructure that disrupts services and maybe even leads to deaths either directly or indirectly (such as by water outages that lead to disruption of hospitals).

" "Even to a modest event, any president might then feel the need to respond militarily and not tolerate it, as has been more the norm," he said. 'Less to Lose' Michael Sulmeyer, professor at Georgetown University's School of Foreign Service who previously served as the Pentagon's assistant secretary for cyber policy and principal cyber adviser, recently outlined in Foreign Policy a number of ways in which China could exploit gaps in local defense infrastructure using AI-enhanced cyberattacks in the event of an escalation over Taiwan.

And he told Newsweek that "much of the same logic could apply to Iran." The most "concerning scenarios" he saw involve not a single massive "cyber Pearl Harbor" strike, but a wave of operations targeting critical infrastructure, either in the U.S. or among regional partners—potentially a combination of both.

In addition to water and power systems other sites of interest include pipelines and factories. Sulmeyer also raised the alarm on the insufficient pace at which the U.S. was adapting to the rapidly evolving capabilities of AI-powered cyberattacks with some systems taking years to properly bring up to date with the current threat landscape.

And while he noted that "the United States and Israel, among others, have significant combat power in cyberspace as well," there is another element that may compound the risk factor in dealing with Iran's cyber corps at a time when the Islamic Republic was fighting what it viewed to be an existential battle.

"Unlike many other nations, leaders in Tehran probably feel they have less to lose when conducting cyber operations for disruptive effect in addition to more traditional reconnaissance work," Sulmeyer said. A Twofold Strategy Already, Iran appears to be quietly scoring gains via a "twofold" strategy described by Nikita Shah, a former U.

K. national security official serving today as senior fellow with the Center for Strategic and International Studies' Intelligence, National Security, and Technology program. The first involves the use of cyber espionage to support kinetic strikes through informing target selection and battlefield damage assessment, while the second constitutes efforts to shape the narrative of the conflict and events surrounding it in Tehran's favor, including with the potential use of AI-enhanced media operations.

"This means using disruptive—but opportunistic—cyberattacks (like hack and leaks, the Stryker incident, or even likely the recent cyberattacks against the U.S. water sector) to cause localized disruption, and then to amplify the impact of those attacks through international media," Shah told Newsweek.

"This serves Iran’s information warfare goals, by provoking and dividing different global audiences, sowing fear and division that it can manipulate over the course of the conflict," she added. And the "unfortunate targets" include U.S. organizations and businesses.

"Iran will want to drag them into the war by targeting them with low-level cyber-attacks," Shah said. "In other words, causing collateral damage to them is the point—Iran will want to wear down domestic U.S audiences in the hope that this will turn U.

S. public opinion against the war, as a means of attrition." Contact Newsweek editors on this story: Edward T. Cummins and Tony Phillips.

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The U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) stated that U.S. forces have cleared Iranian sea mines from the Strait of Hormuz, laid months ago by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC). In a video update on X late Thursday, Commander Adm. Brad Cooper termed the achievement a “major milestone,” stating that “international shipping lanes are open and momentum is building.

” He shared a nautical chart of the Strait of Hormuz and said the mine-clearing operation over the months was challenging and involved meticulous efforts of the Navy divers, special operations, and air assets, among other forces. “The circumstances were challenging and dangerous to say the least, but we got the job done,” said Cooper.

In recent months, nearly 1,500 vessels carrying approximately 750 million barrels of crude oil have navigated the waterway, said Cooper. Concurrently, around 50,000 U.S. troops have been enforcing a “highly effective” naval blockade, as a result of which there were ‘zero” oil exports from Iran, he said.

The CENTCOM Commander added that, as part of broader regional efforts, which involve over 20 warships and hundreds of aircraft, U.S. operations have turned back 75 vessels and disabled three non-compliant ones amid escalating tensions with Iran. “No ships have entered or left an Iranian port without our permission, and we have only allowed ships to pass through on humanitarian grounds,” added Cooper.

US Naval Blockade Hits Iranian Oil Exports This development comes against the backdrop of ongoing tensions between the U.S. and Iran, which have been ongoing for the past six months. The U.S. blockade on Iranian oil exports has significantly affected Iran’s oil shipments, according to Kpler data.

Iranian oil loadings fell to 248,000 barrels a day in August, a stark contrast to the 1.85 million barrels of crude a day exported between March and April. Iran’s Mohsen Rezaei told Lebanon’s Al Manar TV that any U.S.-Iran understanding over the Strait of Hormuz must include an end to military operations in Lebanon, Gaza and Syria, along with an Israeli withdrawal from Lebanon and a halt to attacks on Syria.

He stressed that the U.S. must demonstrate its commitment before Iran can rebuild trust. At the time of writing, Brent crude oil futures expiring in October were trading 0.4% lower at $88.17 per barrel, while WTI crude futures expiring in October were trading 0.

5% lower at $83.11 per barrel. Trump in No Rush To Restart Iran Talks President Donald Trump, meanwhile, has adopted a relaxed stance on the timeline for Iran to return to peace negotiations and stated that he is “not in a hurry.” The President stated he has "no time schedule" for Iran to rejoin negotiations aimed at ending the conflict.

The Wall Street Journal reported on Thursday that the Trump administration is not interested in reviving the June memorandum of understanding with Iran. Instead, Trump is waiting to see whether his administration’s economic pressure campaign against Tehran will succeed.

Disclaimer: This content was partially produced with the help of AI tools and was reviewed and published by Benzinga editors. Photo courtesy: Shutterstock © 2026 Benzinga.com. Benzinga does not provide investment advice. All rights reserved. To add Benzinga News as your preferred source on Google, click here.

Location: Tehran
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Reporting characterizes the ongoing US-Iran conflict as a stalemate, noting that while both sides continue exchanging strikes, shipping in the Strait of Hormuz has significantly slowed and oil prices remain elevated. While unverified claims suggest Iran's military infrastructure is severely damaged, analysts indicate that Tehran retains operational capability and strategic leverage over global energy markets.

Location: Iran