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strikeAug 11, 2026

Why the elaborate ruse Trump used in Turkey isn't like other secret presidential trips

Summary

WASHINGTON (AP) — Presidents have taken secret overseas trips in the past for security reasons, with schedules and logistics kept classified until after the fact to protect the commander in chief. But not like the one President Donald Trump took in July. After a NATO summit in Turkey, Trump stowed away in an airport catering container to slip into another plane while Air Force One — filled with White House officials, security and support staff, and reporters — was sent into the sky essentially as a decoy, just in case Iran made good on a credible threat of an attack. Upon stopping in Britain, Trump sneaked back aboard the presidential plane undetected and scoffed when asked about potential danger. “If I go, you go. Right?” he told reporters — gliding past the fact that if the plane had been shot down, the president wouldn't have been aboard. That Trump's whereabouts were concealed then, and for weeks afterward, is believed to be unprecedented — even in a modern world where security-related subterfuge is not uncommon. “We have absolutely seen the president fly on unmarked or decoy planes before, into Iraq, Afghanistan, other war-zone-like places,” said Garrett M. Graff, author of “Raven Rock: The Story of the U.S. Government’s Secret Plan to Save Itself — While the Rest of Us Die.” “But this was an ongoing secret that I don’t think we’ve ever seen before.” The White House hasn't denied reports, but also isn't providing details The president's flight out of Turkey made headlines at the time because Trump had arrived aboard a luxury jet gifted by Qatar, which was not equipped with some of the same missile detection and countermeasure systems found on older presidential jets. He ended up traveling in a smaller government aircraft from Turkey to the United Kingdom. There, he sneaked back onto the decoy jet, descended from the aircraft and boarded the Qatari plane. The White House hasn't confirmed reporting on the extraordinary lengths officials took to protect Trump, which were first reported by The Washington Post, but administration officials haven't denied it. Instead, Steven Cheung, the White House communications director, relied on similar wording that he used during the trip itself. “As the President has said recently, there are many enemies of America who have their sights on him, and we use every tool at our disposal to address those threats,” Cheung said in a statement Monday. Past presidents put themselves in dangerous areas Presidents have regularly tested the confines of their office, pushing their security advisers to visit war zones as a show of American presence and their own leadership. Usually, this happens in the form of trips that aren't announced until the president is deemed to be out of harm's way. What’s different this time is that Trump was covertly separated from the rest of his travelers — including the press pool meant to provide independent coverage of the president and his actions — and, instead of informing the public about what occurred once the risk had passed, the White House still hasn't fully revealed what took place. Graff said the presence of the White House press corps is as much about protecting “the presidency and democracy” as it is about covering the story. “This shows that the White House just fundamentally doesn’t understand how important that role is, for the press corps to be able to provide independent and transparent corroboration about the status and whereabouts of the president of the United States at any given moment,” he said. Officials have gone to great lengths to keep presidents safe on covert trips before. In 2023, a motorcade pulled away from the White House around 3:30 a.m. on a Sunday, and President Joe Biden later boarded an Air Force C-32, a modified Boeing 757 normally used for domestic trips to smaller airports, and flew to Poland. Biden then took a secret, 10-hour overnight train ride to Kyiv meant to show solidarity with Ukraine after Russia’s invasion. A press pool at the White House had been expecting a quiet Sunday for Biden in Washington. However, two journalists went to Ukraine with him and documented the trip, capturing images of Biden and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy striding past a memorial to fallen soldiers in Ukraine’s capital as air raid sirens sounded. In Trump's first term, he made a secret trip to Afghanistan on Thanksgiving Day in 2019, when officials kept a separate press pool and decoy plane in Florida to maintain the illusion that the president was spending the holiday at his Mar-a-Lago estate. Instead, Trump and another group of reporters flew to the sprawling U.S. military base at Bagram, where the president spent more than three hours on the ground serving turkey to troops, giving a speech and meeting with Afghanistan's then-president, Ashraf Ghani, while journalists documented what was occurring. When President George W. Bush made his first trip to Iraq in 2003, news was not released until he was in the air on the way back to the United States. President Barack Obama made a furtive nighttime visit to Afghanistan in 2010, when he was meant to be spending the weekend at Camp David. Presidents Lyndon B. Johnson and Richard Nixon visited war zones in Vietnam. Other risky trips featured presidential subterfuge President Bill Clinton went secretly from India to Pakistan in 2000, attempting to calm tensions in the disputed Kashmir region. He was seen talking with officials in front of a military plane that he appeared to board. Instead, Clinton ducked around the front of the aircraft to another jet parked nearby. Both planes took off for Islamabad, as did a third jet painted with the familiar baby blue markings of Air Force One. Joe Lockhart, a White House press secretary for Clinton, noted that reporters knew the president was on one of the planes, “but not which one.” He said he and other officials had briefed the press pool ahead of time and “although they didn’t know all the details, it was made clear” that Clinton “was not going to travel on the plane they were on. “There was no attempt to hide anything, much less lie about it later,” Lockhart wrote on social media. Bush was visiting an elementary school in Sarasota, Florida, during the Sept. 11 attacks in 2001, and, after all commercial air traffic was grounded, officials wanted to move him to an undisclosed location. The full White House traveling press pool flew with Bush from Florida to Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana, where officials reduced the number of reporters and staff on the plane. Bush and the smaller traveling party next flew to Nebraska's Offutt Air Force Base before eventually returning to Washington. Bush's location remained secret throughout the day. However, the White House did not suggest that the president was somewhere he was not — unlike when Trump was whisked out of Turkey. “You can imagine the different ways that this could have gone wrong, where, for a period of time, no one would have been able to independently corroborate the status of the U.S. president, or who was in charge of the U.S. government,” Graff said. “And that’s an incredibly dangerous moment for the world.”

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  • WILL WEISSERT, Associated PressBy WILL WEISSERT, Associated Press

    WASHINGTON (AP) — Presidents have taken secret overseas trips in the past for security reasons, with schedules and logistics kept classified until after the fact to protect the commander in chief. But not like the one President Donald Trump took in July. A

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As Washington abandons talks with Iran for an aggressive economic pressure campaign, a cornered Tehran is now threatening military escalation and a wider war to force negotiators back to the table. US President Donald Trump has dismissed diplomacy with the Islamic Republic, calling a June ceasefire agreement one that “isn’t worth the paper it’s written on.

” His administration has instead piled pressure on Iran through a global sanctions campaign, military strikes and a maritime blockade that stops goods from leaving or entering the country. The multifront campaign has put Iran under unprecedented pressure, forcing its fatigued population to endure still more strain.

Iranian Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, meanwhile, remains conspicuously absent. Tuesday will mark his sixth month in hiding in an attempt to avoid the fate of his father and predecessor, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who was killed in an airstrike at the start of the US-Israeli war against Iran in late February.

Iran’s military officials are increasingly touting new tactics in response to the pressure, threatening to target nations taking part in the blockade and warning that they could broaden the conflict. “We concluded that new strategies must be adopted in the war, in negotiations, and in confronting the blockade,” Iran’s Supreme National Security Council leader, Mohsen Rezaei, said in an interview with Iranian media on Sunday.

He also suggested that Iran could expand its own blockade beyond the strait by introducing a new “exclusion zone” in the Persian Gulf and Gulf of Oman. Over the past few weeks, Iran and Oman have been slowly negotiating management of the Strait of Hormuz.

On Monday, Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei said a “temporary safe route” through the strait would likely be registered with the International Maritime Organization in the “coming days.” It remains unclear if the US would recognize the agreement being negotiated between Iran and Oman.

For now, mediators have identified two main obstacles to resolving the conflict, Qatari Foreign Ministry spokesperson Majed al-Ansari told CNN’s Becky Anderson: political will and technical solutions. “Political will is based on narrative, meaning that we find the right narrative for the parties of the conflict to get out of this crisis.

And it’s juggling four or five balls at the same time in trying to find all the solutions needed,” he said. Despite the diplomatic stall, Iran’s top officials, including President Masoud Pezeshkian, have repeatedly signaled their desire to return to the June agreement — one widely viewed by observers as favorable to Tehran.

Domestically, however, hard-line conservatives remain critical of any agreement with the US, accusing the Iranian president and his negotiators of compromising Iran’s wartime gains. “Tehran is trying to reconcile two pressures: a war-weary population that needs economic relief and an ideological base that does not want capitulation,” Hamidreza Azizi, senior Iran analyst at the International Crisis Group (ICG) think tank, told CNN.

“That is why the preferred outcome is diplomacy, but diplomacy that can be presented domestically as the result of Iranian strength rather than retreat.” Cornered, Iran now faces a quagmire. Without compromise on its demands over control of the Strait of Hormuz, its nuclear program or sanctions relief, pressure from Washington is unlikely to ease, while any compromise with Washington would leave Iran’s top officials answering to ideologically driven hard-line factions within the regime.

“The Iranian nation accepts neither threats nor coercion, nor negotiations whose outcome would be the weakening of the country’s rights,” Hossein Taeb, head of the hard-line Basij paramilitary volunteer group, said Monday. “Negotiations are for securing the nation’s rights, not surrendering them.

” “Playing out the inevitable” Despite Iranian and Qatari officials talking up efforts to reestablish diplomacy, Trump maintains that his tactics do not seek to “force” Iran back to the negotiating table, instead, signaling Washington’s comfort with the status quo.

“I like our position now much better, with almost total control of the Hormuz Strait, and their economy totally collapsing,” Trump wrote on Truth Social last week. “They are just playing out the inevitable,” he added, before calling on Iranian people to “rise up and fight” the regime.

The memorandum of understanding set a roadmap for further negotiations over Iran’s nuclear program and sanctions relief, while preparing for a future in which Tehran would have a role in managing the Strait of Hormuz, which is crucial for the transport of a fifth of the world’s oil supply.

In the weeks that followed the signing of the agreement, Iran attempted to control traffic across the Strait of Hormuz, while the US launched a heavy barrage of strikes on Iranian targets along the coastline. The US Navy also began escorting vessels carrying crude out of the Strait of Hormuz, slowly ramping up the transit of oil to relieve pressure on markets, while regional countries such as the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia have shifted away from Hormuz to export oil to their clients.

“Our energy exports will not be held hostage, nor will our trade and economic activity,” UAE presidential adviser Anwar Gargash said at the Hili Forum in Abu Dhabi on Monday. “We are actively expanding port capacity along our eastern coast. Together with the pipelines, railways and trade links needed to connect alternative corridors for cargo are being developed and strengthened,” he added.

Red lines Washington has also not let up military pressure, ordering strikes on Iranian targets, including last week, when an attack killed 18 people. Among them were four people at a wedding celebration, including a child, after shrapnel from a US strike hit a house in a village along the Strait of Hormuz, according to Iranian officials.

In response, Iran has targeted regional countries and vessels transiting the strait, while its proxies in Yemen have attacked Saudi oil facilities. But the ferocity of the strikes do not compare to the early days of the war when Iran launched hundreds of rockets and drones on regional targets, including Israel, heavily disrupting livelihoods and inflicting damage on stable countries.

“The logic is that Tehran cannot simply wait while the US gradually erodes its military and economic leverage,” Azizi, of the ICG, said. “This does not necessarily mean Iran wants another large-scale war. More likely (it) would be calibrated escalation in the sense of greater pressure on shipping, expanding the attacks on US bases or targeting its naval assets, or potentially some targets related to regional energy infrastructure.

” Amid the growing pressure, Iran’s lawmakers are sending deterring messages, warning the region of new weaponry and tactics, including attacks on warships and bases, while its military commanders claim that the Iranian army has now updated equipment and systems “in line with new threats.

” The objective would be to make the “current situation sufficiently costly” for the US that diplomacy again “becomes preferable,” Azizi said. Such a strategy carries risks, however. “Once both sides begin testing each other’s red lines, the risk of miscalculation increases significantly.

An Iranian attack causing substantial US casualties, or a US response crossing one of Tehran’s red lines, could quickly take the confrontation beyond calibrated escalation and back toward full-scale war,” Azizi said.

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