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strikeSep 15, 2026

"High Crimes And Misdemeanors": Massie Forces House Vote To Impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth

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"High Crimes And Misdemeanors": Massie Forces House Vote To Impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) on Tuesday introduced privileged articles of impeachment against Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, accusing him of waging an unauthorized war in Iran, ignoring a congressional directive to end it, conducting extrajudicial killings at sea, retaliating against a U.S. senator, seizing Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro without legal authority, and launching unauthorized operations in Yemen. Massie read the resolution on the House floor for more than an hour, pushing the day's first vote series to 4 p.m. and a later series to 9:30 p.m., and filed it as a privileged measure, which under House rules requires a vote within two legislative days. Politico reports the resolution's nature forces a vote this week, the House's last before it leaves for the midterms. Republicans can table the resolution. In a GOP-controlled House, it is widely expected to fail. BREAKING: Rep. Thomas Massie has just moved to impeach Secretary of War Pete Hegseth for "high crimes and misdemeanors." 🤯 pic.twitter.com/TCnZ6sb4VD — Andrew Kolvet (@AndrewKolvet) September 15, 2026 The move is unprecedented: a Republican member of the House Judiciary Committee attempting to impeach a Cabinet secretary in a Republican administration. Massie is a lame-duck lawmaker. He lost his May primary to Trump-backed challenger Ed Gallrein after a public feud in which Hegseth traveled to Kentucky to campaign against him. "By engaging in hostilities in Iran for more than 90 days without congressional authorization, Secretary Hegseth is breaking the law and must be held accountable," Massie said in a statement. "Secretary Hegseth's constitutional violations extend beyond the illegal war in Iran. He is abusing the power of his office to ignore congressional war powers resolutions, to kidnap foreign leaders, and to intimidate critics of the Trump administration by retaliating against them for exercising free speech." The full text is posted on Massie's official House site. The resolution refers to Hegseth as "Secretary of Defense (also referred to as Secretary of War by the administration)." The eight articles Massie's resolution lists eight charges. The first three concern the Iran war and the 1973 War Powers Resolution. The remaining five cover other operations and alleged abuses of office. Article I - Waging war in contravention of War Powers Resolution §2(c) Massie charges that Hegseth directed U.S. forces into hostilities against Iran on February 28, 2026, without a declaration of war, specific statutory authorization, an attack on the United States, or an imminent threat. The article cites §2(c) of the War Powers Resolution (50 U.S.C. §1541(c)), which limits the president's power to introduce forces into hostilities to those three circumstances. It quotes a March 17 resignation letter from then-National Counterterrorism Center Director Joe Kent: "I cannot in good conscience support the ongoing war in Iran. Iran posed no imminent threat to our nation." The article argues the war was unlawful from its first day. Article II - Waging war in contravention of War Powers Resolution §5(c) This article focuses on Hegseth's refusal to obey H. Con. Res. 86, which both chambers passed in June directing the president, under §5(c) of the War Powers Resolution, to remove U.S. forces from unauthorized hostilities with Iran. The House approved the concurrent resolution 215-208 on June 3; the Senate agreed 50-48 on June 23. Massie was the only House Republican cosponsor. Four House Republicans voted yes: Massie, Tom Barrett (Mich.), Warren Davidson (Ohio), and Brian Fitzpatrick (Pa.). The White House treated the measure as nonbinding and did not withdraw forces. Article III - Waging war in contravention of War Powers Resolution §5(b) Section 5(b) requires the president to terminate unauthorized hostilities within 60 days of notification to Congress, with a possible 30-day withdrawal window. Hostilities began February 28; the 60-day mark was about May 1. The administration argued that an April 7 ceasefire "terminated" hostilities and reset or paused the clock. Massie calls that a legal fiction and says Hegseth treated mandatory statutory deadlines as discretionary. Operations, blockades, and later strikes continued. Article IV - Ignoring laws that minimize civilian casualties The article accuses Hegseth of disregarding statutes and rules intended to limit civilian harm in Iran and elsewhere. Democratic articles filed in April by Rep. Yassamin Ansari (D-Ariz.) had cited the February 28 bombing of a girls' school in Minab, Iran, and large-scale destruction of civilian infrastructure. Massie's version is framed more generally as a failure to apply civilian-protection law. Article V - Extrajudicial killings This charge concerns Operation Southern Spear, the campaign of lethal strikes on suspected drug boats in the Caribbean and eastern Pacific that began September 2, 2025. Massie says Hegseth replaced maritime law enforcement with unauthorized military targeting, resulting in at least 221 deaths. The article also alleges denial of quarter, secondary strikes on survivors, failure to rescue shipwrecked persons, and the invention of "artificial legal authorities" for the campaign. The administration says the boats belong to designated "narco-terrorist" groups and that the United States is in an armed conflict with cartels. Human Rights Watch, WOLA, and U.N. experts have called the strikes extrajudicial killings. Article VI - Suppressing free speech Massie accuses Hegseth of using Defense Department authority to retaliate against Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), a retired Navy captain and astronaut, for a November 2025 video in which Kelly and five other Democratic veterans told service members they may refuse illegal orders. Hegseth issued a formal letter of censure in January 2026, entered it into Kelly's personnel file, and opened a process that could reduce Kelly's retired rank and pension. Trump called the video "seditious" and suggested the lawmakers should be arrested. Kelly sued the Pentagon. Massie frames the censure as intimidation of constitutionally protected speech. Article VII - Kidnapping of a sovereign foreign leader This article concerns Operation Absolute Resolve, the January 3, 2026, raid in Caracas that seized Nicolás Maduro and Cilia Flores and extracted them to U.S. custody aboard USS Iwo Jima. The administration described the mission as a law-enforcement apprehension on existing narco-terrorism indictments, not a war. It involved more than 150 aircraft, special operations forces, and supporting strikes. Massie charges that Hegseth directed the operation without constitutional or statutory authority to seize a sitting head of state. Venezuelan and Cuban casualties were reported; seven U.S. service members were injured. Article VIII - Unlawful war in Yemen The last article charges Hegseth with initiating Operation Rough Rider without congressional authorization or an imminent threat to the United States, violating war-powers reporting rules, and conducting strikes that killed civilians and hit rescuers and other protected persons. Each article concludes that Hegseth "will remain a threat to the Constitution if allowed to remain in office" and warrants impeachment, trial, removal, and disqualification from future office. How we got here: the Iran war and the 60-day clock The legal core of Massie's case is the War Powers Resolution of 1973, enacted over President Nixon's veto after Vietnam. In brief: The president must notify Congress within 48 hours of introducing forces into hostilities. Absent a declaration of war or specific statutory authorization, those forces must be withdrawn within 60 days (plus up to 30 days to extract them). Congress may also direct removal at any time by concurrent resolution under §5(c). U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iran began February 28, 2026, under what the Pentagon called Operation Epic Fury. The administration filed a 48-hour report acknowledging that date. There was no declaration of war and no Authorization for Use of Military Force aimed at Iran. On April 7, President Trump ordered a ceasefire. On May 1 the White House told Congress that "the hostilities that began on February 28, 2026, have terminated," arguing the 60-day clock had been satisfied. Critics in both parties said a naval blockade in the Strait of Hormuz, forward-deployed forces, and later strikes showed the war had not ended. A brief April pause collapsed. Further U.S. strikes followed in June and July. The administration later treated later bombing as a new set of hostilities with a new clock. Massie has called that "an absurd ruse" and said the Pentagon was "pretending there have been two Iran wars separated by a brief cease-fire." Congress voted repeatedly. Most early war-powers measures failed by slim margins. Then H. Con. Res. 86 passed both chambers in June - the first time since 1973 that both houses used §5(c) to direct removal from an unauthorized conflict. The White House said a concurrent resolution has no force of law and would not reach the president's desk. Operations continued. Hegseth has publicly described the Iran campaign as necessary, defensive of shipping and U.S. forces, and consistent with the president's commander-in-chief power. Massie has been on this ground for more than a year. In June 2025 he and Rep. Ro Khanna introduced a bipartisan war-powers resolution to bar unauthorized hostilities in Iran. He has voted for later Iran withdrawal measures and has argued that Article I, not Article II, holds the power to start wars. This is not the first attempt to impeach Hegseth Massie's filing is the most procedurally serious because it is privileged and filed by a sitting Republican. It is not the first. In December 2025, Rep. Shri Thanedar (D-Mich.) introduced two articles (H. Res. 935) focused on alleged murder in an early Caribbean boat strike - including a reported follow-up strike on survivors - and mishandling of classified information in a Signal chat about Yemen operations. The resolution went nowhere in committee. On April 15, 2026, Rep. Yassamin Ansari (D-Ariz.), an Iranian American freshman, filed six articles (H. Res. 1177) with more than a dozen Democratic cosponsors: unauthorized war in Iran; violations of the law of armed conflict and targeting of civilians (including the Minab school); reckless handling of sensitive military information; obstruction of congressional oversight; abuse of power and politicization of the armed forces; and conduct bringing disrepute on the United States. Progressive groups endorsed it. It was referred to Judiciary and never received a floor vote. Massie's eight articles overlap those earlier efforts on Iran, civilian harm, boat strikes, and Kelly, and add the Maduro raid and Yemen as standalone counts. Impeachment of a Cabinet officer is rare. The House has used the power against a Cabinet secretary only twice in U.S. history, William Belknap in 1876 and Alejandro Mayorkas in 2024. Conviction in the Senate requires two-thirds. Even if the House adopted Massie's articles, a Republican Senate would be extremely unlikely to convict. Tyler Durden Tue, 09/15/2026 - 15:00

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  • Tyler DurdenBy Tyler Durden

    "High Crimes And Misdemeanors": Massie Forces House Vote To Impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth Rep. Thomas Massie (R-KY) on Tuesday introduced privileged articles of impeachment against Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, accusing him of waging an unauthorized war

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When the US military proved it could escort tankers through the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow waterway that leads to the Indian Ocean, the regime was in a bind. It lost its ability to choke off the exports of its Gulf neighbors, while remaining unable to export its own oil due to the ongoing US blockade.

Without revenue from its oil sales, an Iranian financial crisis is imminent — so the regime, through its terror proxies, seeks to open a new front in the energy war. So far it has succeeded. For the last several months Riyadh has relied on its East-West pipeline to export over 4 million barrels a day — roughly 4% of global oil supply — via northern and southern routes out of the Red Sea.

But last week Iraqi militias — likely operating with Houthi coordination, under the guidance of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps advisers — attacked the pipeline itself, choking off that export option. The damage could take a month or more to repair, intensifying economic pressure on the US and its allies.

The Houthis — an Islamist rebel group that has sought to oust Yemen’s internationally recognized government since the early 2000s — profess a slightly different strain of radical Shiite Islam than their patrons in Tehran. But their slogan is almost identical: “God is great, death to America, death to Israel, a curse on the Jews, and victory to Islam.

” At the same time as the pipeline attack, Houthi militias marched down Yemen’s Red Sea coast and seized Bab al-Mandeb, the waterway’s southern chokepoint, from Yemeni government forces. By holding the territory along the Red Sea’s narrow entrance and the island inside it, the Houthis can effectively control transits through the key waterway.

The Houthi military spokesman, Yahya Saree, said, “Maritime navigation is safe for all companies except for Saudi vessels.” But Iran and the Houthis are unlikely to remain so benevolent for long, now that Tehran has successfully turned the conflict with the United States into a war over energy markets.

Oil prices have already climbed in response: AAA reported that the national average gas price this week reached its highest point since June, hitting $4.32 on Tuesday. But the Houthis have goals of their own beyond Iran’s wartime aims: They want to rule Yemen as its official government.

And Saudi Arabia, as the primary backer of the Republic of Yemen, is the key hurdle to their domestic ambitions. The terror group hopes that pressure on Riyadh — exerted through attacks on the kingdom and its energy infrastructure, and Houthi control of the Red Sea — will force them into a deal.

That’s a dangerous prospect, for Riyadh, for Washington and for the world. Instead, the United States must commit to supporting Saudi Arabia in driving the Houthis back from their strategic positions on the Red Sea coast. The Treasury Department can target the Houthis’ financial lifelines by sanctioning exchange houses, financial institutions and front companies — particularly in Oman — that facilitate transactions on behalf of the group.

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It makes little sense to continue striking Iran while granting immunity to one of its key proxies. In the days after the Houthi advance, President Donald Trump said that its leaders had asked Washington not to intervene, on the grounds that their grievance is against only one country — by implication, Saudi Arabia.

But the Houthis, like the regime in Tehran, consider themselves to be engaged in a perpetual war against the United States. Trump seems loath to end the cease-fire that began in 2025, after his administration conducted a seven-week bombing campaign against the Houthis.

Since then, the Houthis have not targeted American ships to avoid incurring damaging airstrikes. But ultimately, the Iranian threat to the Red Sea will persist as long as the Houthis occupy the coast. Anything short of their removal is just a half-measure that buys time for Houthi terrorists to dig in further.

Bridget Toomey, a research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, focuses on Iranian proxies, specifically Iraqi militias and the Houthis.

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S.-Israeli alliance. Trump has had a hot-and-cold history with Netanyahu over the years and expressed some frustration with Netanyahu tied to the Iran conflict before their latest meeting in July at the White House. In 2024, the Biden administration held off on one shipment of the bombs, but Trump lifted that hold when he took office again.

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Republican Representative Thomas Massie introduced a privileged resolution to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, which would mandate a House vote within 48 hours. Massie alleged that Hegseth violated war powers regarding operations in Iran and the Caribbean, a move that has been described as a first for a lawmaker seeking to impeach a Cabinet member from their own party, potentially influenced by a recent primary election dispute.

Pentagon spokesperson Kingsley Wilson responded by asserting that the Department of Defense remains unified and is functioning effectively under the current administration.

Location: Iran
strikeUnverifiedUSIran
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Republican Representative Thomas Massie has filed a privileged resolution seeking the impeachment of Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, a move that mandates a House vote within two days and represents the first known attempt to impeach a Cabinet member from the same party.

Massie cited alleged violations of his constitutional oath regarding military operations and speech disputes, claims that have not yet been substantiated by judicial or administrative review. This action follows a public dispute stemming from Hegseth's May visit to Kentucky, where he campaigned against Massie in the Republican primary.

Location: Iran