ConflictClarifier

ردیاب بحران ایران-خلیج فارس ۲۰۲۶
CC
Events Archive
strikeSep 15, 2026

Iranian Strikes On US Military Bases Took Massive Toll, Pentagon Watchdog Reveals

Summary

Iranian attacks damaged and destroyed “hundreds” of buildings and structures at American military bases across eight Middle Eastern countries while the U.S. burned through more than $22 billion in munitions during Operation Epic Fury. The Pentagon estimated the war had already cost $33.4 billion as of June 29, including billions in equipment losses and operational expenses, according to a new Department of War Inspector General report. That figure does not include the cost of repairing damaged military infrastructure, meaning the true price tag is likely much higher. The cofounder of the Security Policy Reform Institute, Stephen Semler, previously told the Daily Caller News Foundation that the cost was likely around $112.3 billion as of July 26, comparable to U.S. military spending in World War II. (RELATED: Hegseth Clocks Iran War Cost At $37.5 Billion, But Analysts Think The Number Is Way Higher) “They’re working off of a baseline cost like the regular DoD budget that was passed in early February, that combined with reconciliation funding pushed the Pentagon budget to over a trillion, which is not normal historically,” Semler told the DCNF. “It’s like peak Iraq and Afghanistan wars and World War II, when spending transcended a trillion dollars in one year in inflation-adjusted terms.” “To understand the government’s habit of lowballing the cost of wars, consider the war in Iraq,” Steve Hanke, a professor of applied economics at Johns Hopkins University, previously told the DCNF. “In the Iraq War, the cost estimates initially submitted by the Bush administration were around $200 billion. That war ended up costing $5 trillion, 25 times the original estimate. Using that multiple, if the war winds down rather quickly, we are looking at a final direct cost of the Iran war in the neighborhood of at least $1 trillion.” The report also documents damage beyond military installations, including roughly $184 million in damage to U.S. embassies, consulates and other diplomatic facilities in Iraq, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, according to the Department of War Inspector General. The Pentagon’s $33.4 billion estimate excluded the cost of repairing damaged military infrastructure, which Semler said would likely push the war’s true price tag higher. The Pentagon had previously pushed back on reports describing the destruction as extensive. A military spokesman disputed that characterization in May after satellite imagery showed at least 228 structures or pieces of equipment damaged or destroyed across 15 U.S. military sites, The Washington Post reported. The inspector general has now formally acknowledged that Iranian strikes damaged or destroyed hundreds of buildings and structures across U.S. bases in eight countries. The fighting also placed significant pressure on U.S. weapons stockpiles. Munitions expenditures during the war created “strategic inventory shortfalls” and exposed bottlenecks in the defense industrial base, the Pentagon’s acquisition and sustainment office told the inspector general. The U.S. entered the war with an estimated 2,330 Patriot and 360 THAAD interceptors, but by late July had fewer than 1,000 Patriots and about 250 THAADs remaining, according to the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). Semler explained that even if the U.S. military-industrial complex were to receive massive investments in production capacity, it would still take years to replenish these stockpiles. “For example, the Patriot Interceptor’s current production rate is 650 per year, and the Trump administration is saying, ‘Oh well, we signed an agreement with Lockheed that they’ll ramp up production to close to 2000 per year by 2032 or something or 2030 or something like that.’ Even if that happens, it’s still going to take several years to replace these munitions because of the rate at which they were expended,” Semler told the DCNF. The cost of rebuilding U.S. missile stocks extends beyond simply buying replacement interceptors. Lockheed Martin plans to invest roughly $8 billion to $9 billion through 2030 to build or modernize more than 20 U.S. munitions facilities, including about $900 million to $1.1 billion at its Troy, Alabama, site to nearly double production capacity, while L3Harris has broken ground on two new PAC-3 propulsion facilities in Arkansas, according to the companies. A significant portion of the Patriot missile interceptors (PAC-3 MSEs) being produced in the United States will be sold to foreign militaries, further reducing the amount available for the U.S. military, according to the report. The U.S. has approved the possible sale of more than 1,200 Patriot interceptors to Saudi Arabia and Qatar, even as its own inventories remain strained, according to the Defense Security Cooperation Agency and the Federal Register. The planned foreign sales could absorb about 37% of near-term U.S. production as the Pentagon works to rebuild stocks depleted by the Iran war, according to the Army and CSIS. “Congress should insist that Secretary Hegseth manage the Pentagon budget in the same way as all other departments manage a budget,” Allison McManus, a managing director for the National Security and International Policy department at American Progress, previously told the DCNF. “Congress should remember that this is not a war that Iran brought to the United States, but one that Secretary Hegseth and President Trump embarked on with full knowledge of the resources available.” The rate at which these munitions are expended during the Iran War, combined with foreign military sales and current production estimates, it could be impossible to replace these stockpiles if the U.S. does not exit the Iran War, Semler said. (RELATED: Iraqi Militias Join The Iran War As The Fire Rises) “It would require the U.S. to stop the Iran War,” Semler told the DCNF. “I mean, it’s possible, of course, for the U.S. to replace these munitions. But even if the U.S. stops fighting today and doesn’t fire another one, it would still take several years to replace these munitions.” Dozens of American aircraft were also damaged or destroyed during the fighting. Four F-15E fighter jets were destroyed, including three lost to friendly fire and one to enemy fire, according to the report. An F-35A was damaged by enemy fire over Iran, while seven KC-135 refueling aircraft were damaged or destroyed and as many as 30 MQ-9 intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance drones were lost under various circumstances. Production constraints remain particularly acute for solid rocket motors, high-grade explosives and propellants, while the defense industry is also struggling to recruit enough skilled manufacturing workers, according to the report. Expanding production capacity will require significant lead time despite Pentagon efforts to accelerate production and secure critical supply chains. The scale of Operation Epic Fury is massive, with more than 50,000 American service members deployed throughout CENTCOM’s area of responsibility. U.S. forces flew approximately 36,000 combat sorties, carried out more than 1,800 fire missions and struck roughly 13,500 targets between Feb. 28 and April 7, according to the report. Iran and its proxies launched thousands of missiles and one-way attack drones at regional countries, commercial vessels and U.S. military targets during major combat operations, the inspector general found. The Middle East Defense Network intercepted more than 6,000 one-way attack drones and more than 1,500 ballistic missiles aimed at U.S. and partner forces. (RELATED: Houthis Make Major Advance Toward Critical Global Shipping Chokepoint) The attacks were serious enough to disrupt the Navy’s established logistics system in the Persian Gulf. Iran targeted Bahrain, previously the Navy’s primary regional logistics hub, with ballistic missiles and one-way attack drones, forcing CENTCOM to move sustainment resources to alternative locations, according to the report. Shifting some logistics support to Naval Support Facility Diego Garcia created its own problems, stretching supply lines to their limits. At least six U.S. warships were also pulled from the Pacific and re-tasked to the Middle East to support the campaign. Seven American service members were killed in action and another seven died in non-hostile incidents between Feb. 28 and June 30, while 417 were wounded in action during that period, according to the report. Four additional service members were killed in action in July, though the total number of wounded continued to climb after the report’s June 30 cutoff. The wounded count has since climbed from the report’s 417 to 756 service members, according to the Pentagon’s Defense Casualty Analysis System, which tracks casualties from Operation Epic Fury and subsequent overseas operations. “Congress has, at best, the most tenuous grasp on Uncle Sam’s war of choice in Iran,” Hanke previously told the DCNF. “Indeed, the U.S. Congress has essentially turned a blind eye to this great misadventure. In my wildest dreams, I can’t imagine that they would look into the details related to funding the war.” The financial strain prompted the White House to seek $67.1 billion in supplemental Pentagon funding, mostly for Operation Epic Fury, the report said, citing a June 24 White House request to Congress. The request included $21 billion for munitions and $17.3 billion for operational costs. “I don’t see the Trump administration really changing its playbook,” Semler told the DCNF. “War-making is now a central part of its identity. It’s kind of given up on, as the Biden administration did, post-Russian invasion of Ukraine, foreign policy. The war has become a central part of the administration’s identity, and that’s going to be a tough thing to shed.”

Actors involved

USIranProxyRussiaUkraine

Sources

  • Francis KapperBy Francis Kapper

    Iranian attacks damaged and destroyed “hundreds” of buildings and structures at American military bases across eight Middle Eastern countries while the U.S. burned through more than $22 billion in munitions during Operation Epic Fury. The Pentagon estimated the war had already co

See this event through different lenses

Compare how Western, Iranian, Israeli, Global South, and Pro-Peace perspectives frame this event.

Compare Perspectives

Community Notes

Community Notes

Loading notes...

Related events

strikeUnverifiedUSIsraelIranProxy
1 source

Tehran saw its leverage slipping away — and expanded the battlefield to attack the United States and its allies from a different angle. That’s the takeaway from this week’s fighting in Yemen, as Iran-aligned Houthi terrorists took aim at Saudi Arabia’s critical oil infrastructure and shipping routes.

When the US military proved it could escort tankers through the Strait of Hormuz, the narrow waterway that leads to the Indian Ocean, the regime was in a bind. It lost its ability to choke off the exports of its Gulf neighbors, while remaining unable to export its own oil due to the ongoing US blockade.

Without revenue from its oil sales, an Iranian financial crisis is imminent — so the regime, through its terror proxies, seeks to open a new front in the energy war. So far it has succeeded. For the last several months Riyadh has relied on its East-West pipeline to export over 4 million barrels a day — roughly 4% of global oil supply — via northern and southern routes out of the Red Sea.

But last week Iraqi militias — likely operating with Houthi coordination, under the guidance of Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps advisers — attacked the pipeline itself, choking off that export option. The damage could take a month or more to repair, intensifying economic pressure on the US and its allies.

The Houthis — an Islamist rebel group that has sought to oust Yemen’s internationally recognized government since the early 2000s — profess a slightly different strain of radical Shiite Islam than their patrons in Tehran. But their slogan is almost identical: “God is great, death to America, death to Israel, a curse on the Jews, and victory to Islam.

” At the same time as the pipeline attack, Houthi militias marched down Yemen’s Red Sea coast and seized Bab al-Mandeb, the waterway’s southern chokepoint, from Yemeni government forces. By holding the territory along the Red Sea’s narrow entrance and the island inside it, the Houthis can effectively control transits through the key waterway.

The Houthi military spokesman, Yahya Saree, said, “Maritime navigation is safe for all companies except for Saudi vessels.” But Iran and the Houthis are unlikely to remain so benevolent for long, now that Tehran has successfully turned the conflict with the United States into a war over energy markets.

Oil prices have already climbed in response: AAA reported that the national average gas price this week reached its highest point since June, hitting $4.32 on Tuesday. But the Houthis have goals of their own beyond Iran’s wartime aims: They want to rule Yemen as its official government.

And Saudi Arabia, as the primary backer of the Republic of Yemen, is the key hurdle to their domestic ambitions. The terror group hopes that pressure on Riyadh — exerted through attacks on the kingdom and its energy infrastructure, and Houthi control of the Red Sea — will force them into a deal.

That’s a dangerous prospect, for Riyadh, for Washington and for the world. Instead, the United States must commit to supporting Saudi Arabia in driving the Houthis back from their strategic positions on the Red Sea coast. The Treasury Department can target the Houthis’ financial lifelines by sanctioning exchange houses, financial institutions and front companies — particularly in Oman — that facilitate transactions on behalf of the group.

Furthermore, Treasury should identify and block Houthi crypto wallets, an increasingly important resource for its war machine. And Washington needs to seriously consider increasing its operational support of Riyadh, including potential US airstrikes, in the effort to free southern Yemen from this terrorist group.

It makes little sense to continue striking Iran while granting immunity to one of its key proxies. In the days after the Houthi advance, President Donald Trump said that its leaders had asked Washington not to intervene, on the grounds that their grievance is against only one country — by implication, Saudi Arabia.

But the Houthis, like the regime in Tehran, consider themselves to be engaged in a perpetual war against the United States. Trump seems loath to end the cease-fire that began in 2025, after his administration conducted a seven-week bombing campaign against the Houthis.

Since then, the Houthis have not targeted American ships to avoid incurring damaging airstrikes. But ultimately, the Iranian threat to the Red Sea will persist as long as the Houthis occupy the coast. Anything short of their removal is just a half-measure that buys time for Houthi terrorists to dig in further.

Bridget Toomey, a research analyst at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, focuses on Iranian proxies, specifically Iraqi militias and the Houthis.

strikeUnverifiedUSIsraelIranHamas
1 source

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Trump administration is planning to deliver powerful 2,000-pound bombs to Israel as part of an upcoming arms deal, weapons that prompted such concerns about the possibility of mass casualties in Gaza that the Biden administration paused their delivery two years ago.

The $2.8 billion package includes 40,000 of the bombs, made up of 20,000 Mk84s and 20,000 BLU-117s, according to two U.S. officials and a person familiar with the plan who spoke Tuesday on condition of anonymity to discuss the package, which is not yet final.

Congress has been informally notified about the pending deal, most of which is to be paid for with foreign military financing — in which U.S. taxpayer dollars are given to Israel to turn around and buy the weapons from the United States.

The proposed sale is just the latest in a series of Trump administration steps to improve Israeli’s military capacity. The conflict in Gaza has left tens of thousands of Palestinians dead and has decimated the enclave. The U.S. brokered a fragile ceasefire, but violence has continued.

The package, which was reported earlier by The Washington Post, comes as Israel has faced increasing international isolation over its war in Gaza in response to the deadly Oct. 7, 2023, attacks by Hamas. The sale signals that some strains in the relationship between President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, especially since the two countries launched the war against Iran in February, are not impeding the closeness of the U.

S.-Israeli alliance. Trump has had a hot-and-cold history with Netanyahu over the years and expressed some frustration with Netanyahu tied to the Iran conflict before their latest meeting in July at the White House. In 2024, the Biden administration held off on one shipment of the bombs, but Trump lifted that hold when he took office again.

Last year, the Trump administration bypassed a normal congressional review process and approved a nearly $3 billion sale to Israel that included more than 35,500 of the bombs. The administration then approved a new series of arms sales to Israel totaling $6.

67 billion in January. The 2,000-pound bombs have multiple variants, with some designed to penetrate deep, underground targets while others detonate above ground and cause widespread damage. Though the Israeli military has offered few details about what bombs and artillery it has used in Gaza, experts analyzing strike footage and blast fragments found on-site believe the U.

S.-made bombs have been used there, targeting a tunnel network used by Hamas but also killing of people in densely populated areas. While the heaviest fighting in Gaza has subsided since the fragile ceasefire took hold in October, Israel has continued to carry out strikes in the territory, including some overnight and into Tuesday that killed several people.

That is even after Jared Kushner, Trump’s son-in-law and a key Mideast negotiator, met with Netanyahu last month in an effort to push the ceasefire deal forward and asked Israel to reduce its attacks. Militants have carried out shooting attacks on Israeli troops, and Israel says its strikes are in response to those and other ceasefire violations.

The Hamas-led attack on southern Israel in 2023 killed around 1,200 people and saw 251 taken hostage. Israel’s offensive in Gaza to retaliate has killed more than 73,264 Palestinians, including those killed since the ceasefire, Gaza’s Health Ministry said.

strikeUnverifiedUSIran
1 source

Republican Representative Thomas Massie introduced a privileged resolution to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, which would mandate a House vote within 48 hours. Massie alleged that Hegseth violated war powers regarding operations in Iran and the Caribbean, a move that has been described as a first for a lawmaker seeking to impeach a Cabinet member from their own party, potentially influenced by a recent primary election dispute.

Pentagon spokesperson Kingsley Wilson responded by asserting that the Department of Defense remains unified and is functioning effectively under the current administration.

Location: Iran