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strikeMay 30, 2026

Oil exports through the Strait of Hormuz might not return to levels seen before the Iran war

Summary

- Oil tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz may not return to prewar levels even if the U.S. and Iran reach a deal. - Ship traffic in the Red Sea, for example, plummeted in early 2024 due to Houthi militant attacks. Two years later, traffic still not returned to previous levels. - Shipowners will have to weigh the risk of fighting breaking out in the Persian Gulf again and the consequences of cooperating with Iran. The oil market might face a new reality after the Iran war in which exports through the Strait of Hormuz do not return to the levels once considered normal, as shipowners now have to weigh the risk that fighting could abruptly break out in the volatile Persian Gulf. And Western commercial ships will likely hesitate to sail through Hormuz if it remains under Iran's de facto control, especially if they have to coordinate with the Revolutionary Guard, putting them at risk of violating U.S. sanctions. It is a scenario with consequences that are difficult to foresee given the vital role that Hormuz plays in global energy markets. Freedom of navigation through the strait was never seriously challenged until Iran basically closed the sea lane in response to the war launched by the U.S. and Israel on Feb. 28. Iran's blockade of Hormuz has triggered the largest oil supply disruption in history, putting pressure on the U.S. to make a deal as the threat to the global economy grows by the day. Tehran appears intent to use this leverage to consolidate control over the strait in a settlement that ends the war. Middle East leaders believe that Iran has already taken control of Hormuz, said Amos Hochstein, who served as a senior energy and national security advisor to former President Joe Biden. "No matter what happens, the Iranians will control the Strait of Hormuz for the foreseeable future," Hochstein told CNBC's "Squawk Box" on Thursday. "It doesn't even matter what the deal says. Everybody in the region believes that." Oil tanker traffic through Hormuz before the war might represent the high point for transits for the foreseeable future, said Helima Croft, head of global commodity strategy at RBC Capital Markets. "Any end to the conflict that leaves Iran exercising operational control and influence over the Strait will result in appreciably lower flows through the waterway in our view," Croft told clients in a Thursday note. Traffic under this scenario might return to 60% to 70% of prewar volumes with China-affiliated ships moving freely while passage for Western vessels require bilateral agreements with Iran, said Richard Meade, editor-in-chief of Lloyd's List, in a briefing on May 21. "This doesn't trigger a recession in the way that some of the doomsday scenarios that we've talked about before might suggest, but it does not allow the prewar rebound," Meade said. Lloyd's List is one of the oldest shipping industry trade journals in the world. "It produces something more insidious," Meade continued. "A permanently bifurcated strait where access is a function of political alignment, not freedom of navigation." The Red Sea crisis The crisis that throttled ship traffic through the Red Sea shows how geopolitical instability can disrupt trade chokepoints for much longer than originally expected. Houthi militants in Yemen that are allied with Iran started attacking commercial ships in November 2023 in response to Israel's war in Gaza. The attacks began on Nov. 19 with the hijacking of a cargo ship and continued with missile and drone attacks for two years. Daily traffic through the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, which connects the Red Sea to the Gulf of Aden, collapsed by more than half from 75 ships on Nov. 19, 2023 to 31 vessels by January 30, 2024. More than two years later, traffic through the strait still has not returned to the levels once considered normal. One of the major lessons from the Red Sea crisis is that "you don't need a massive navy in order to create major disruption in a maritime chokepoint," said Tomer Raanan, a maritime risk analyst at Lloyd's List. The Houthis have not attacked a vessel in the Red Sea since the end of last year but that has not been enough for ship traffic to return to levels seen in 2023, said Jack Kennedy, head of Middle East country risk at S&P Global Market Intelligence. It is uncertain whether the collapse in traffic through Hormuz will last as long as the disruption in the Red Sea. Shipowners will have to decide whether they believe a U.S.-Iran deal, if one is actually cemented, provides sufficient security gaurantees for commercial vessels. The current ceasefire is likely to hold for now as the Trump administration seems to be prioritizing increased access for commercial ships through Hormuz, Kennedy said. Even if Iran agreed to open Hormuz without any conditions on transit, it would likely take a long time to return to prewar levels of traffic, Kennedy said. There will be safety concerns, for example, about mines that may have been laid in the strait, he said. And there is a severe risk that the war could resume over the next year unless a permanent resolution is found to Iran's nuclear and ballistic missile programs, Kennedy said. These are the key issues, particulary from an Israeli national security perspective, that led up to the war, the analyst said. The ship operators will have to weigh whether they are willing to risk their vessels and assets being trapped on one side of Hormuz for months if war does erupt again, Kennedy said. Few Hormuz alternatives But the Red Sea is also different in key ways to Hormuz, said Raanan and Kennedy. One reason Red Sea traffic remains depressed is because ships can bypass it and avoid the security risk altogether by sailing around the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa. Hormuz, by contrast, is truly a chokepoint without any equivalent alternatives, the analysts said. Hormuz is also much more important to global energy markets than the Red Sea, they said. About 20% of the world's oil and liquefied natural gas supplies passed through Hormuz before the war. Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates are using pipelines to divert millions of barrels of oil per day from the Persian Gulf to export terminals on the Red Sea and Gulf of Oman. These pipelines have eased the supply disruption but they do not fully compensate for Hormuz. "You can get some stuff out of pipelines, but not everything can go through a pipeline," Raanan said. "We're not just talking oil that needs to come out of Hormuz." The whole point of LNG as a product, for example, is it can be loaded onto ships and transported around the world. Hormuz is also crucial for fertilizer and other commodities. In the absence of alternatives, shippers may have to accept and adapt to conditions in Hormuz in ways they did not in the Red Sea. Still, Middle East exporters are looking for more alternatives. The UAE, for example, is accelerating the construction of a second pipeline that bypasses Hormuz. It is scheduled to become operational in 2027. U.S. Energy Secretary Chris Wright believes the importance of Hormuz to the global energy market will decline after war, as Gulf nations like the UAE build more pipelines to avoid it. "This is a card you can play once," Wright said of Iran's blockade. "There'll be other routes for energy to get out of the Persian Gulf." "We will see a decreasing importance from the Strait of Hormuz, but not a decreasing importance of those nations' energy production and energy supply," he said.

Perspectives

Iranian Official

Iran's sovereign control over the Strait of Hormuz, a core element of its territorial integrity, has been exercised through defensive closure only after the unprovoked U.S.-Israeli war of aggression launched on February 28. This act of resistance against foreign threats has prevented a return to prewar tanker traffic, as shipowners weigh the risks of renewed provocations and complicity in sanctions that violate Iran's rights. Tehran will continue leveraging this position to deter further aggression and uphold national sovereignty amid attempts to undermine its regional authority.

Israeli

From an Israeli security perspective, Iran's proxy network—from Houthi attacks that kept Red Sea traffic suppressed long after initial disruptions to the direct blockade of Hormuz—forms a deliberate strategy of existential strangulation targeting both the Jewish state and global energy lifelines. Shipowners' reluctance to resume prewar levels through the strait, amid risks of renewed fighting and sanctions tied to Revolutionary Guard coordination, validates the defensive necessity of preemptive action against a regime that weaponizes sea lanes. This enduring threat environment, triggered by Tehran's response to U.S.-Israeli operations, underscores why Israel must prioritize neutralizing such networks to safeguard its survival.

Neutral

Oil tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz has not returned to prewar levels following Iran's closure of the waterway on February 28 in response to U.S. and Israeli military action. Shipowners face ongoing decisions about resuming transits due to risks of renewed conflict in the Persian Gulf and potential violations of U.S. sanctions when coordinating with Iranian authorities. Similar patterns have been observed in the Red Sea, where traffic dropped sharply in early 2024 amid Houthi attacks and remained below prior volumes two years later.

Western

The U.S. and Israeli strikes on Iranian targets successfully neutralized key threats but prompted Tehran’s illegitimate blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, triggering the largest oil-supply shock in decades and endangering global energy security. Even if a diplomatic deal is reached, commercial traffic is unlikely to return to pre-conflict levels, as Western shipowners assess the persistent risk of renewed Iranian aggression and the sanctions exposure tied to any coordination with the Revolutionary Guard. NATO-aligned forces will therefore prioritize sustained maritime presence and precision deterrence to safeguard freedom of navigation through this critical chokepoint.

Pro-Peace

The U.S.- and Israel-launched war on February 28 provoked Iran’s blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, triggering the largest oil-supply shock in history and inflicting severe humanitarian costs through skyrocketing energy prices that hit civilians hardest in import-dependent nations. Even if a deal emerges, persistent risks of renewed fighting and sanctions will likely keep tanker traffic suppressed, prolonging economic hardship and civilian suffering rather than restoring stability. Prioritizing sustained diplomacy over military escalation could have prevented these cascading human costs from the outset.

Global South

The US-Israel war and ensuing sanctions regime have compelled Iran to exercise sovereign control over the Strait of Hormuz, triggering the largest oil disruption in history and exposing how Western powers weaponize maritime access to enforce neo-colonial dominance. Global South importers now face sustained supply constraints as shipowners weigh the risks of US penalties against cooperation with Tehran, mirroring the Red Sea’s failure to recover after Houthi resistance to external intervention. International institutions have proven incapable of curbing such aggression or restoring equitable navigation, leaving energy routes hostage to great-power leverage.

Actors involved

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Sources

  • Spencer KimballBy Spencer Kimball

    - Oil tanker traffic through the Strait of Hormuz may not return to prewar levels even if the U.S. and Iran reach a deal. - Ship traffic in the Red Sea, for example, plummeted in early 2024 due to Houthi militant attacks. Two years later, traffic still not returned to previous le

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Another ship hit in Hormuz as Houthis add to regional risks A tanker has been struck by an unknown projectile northeast of Oman’s Limah, UK Maritime Trade Operations says on Tuesday - Hormuz was deserted on Jul 21, with no ships observed transiting, data shows.

PHOTO: REUTERS [SINGAPORE] Another tanker was attacked in the Strait of Hormuz as renewed hostilities empty the waterway, while a threat by Houthi rebels to blockade Saudi Arabia in the Red Sea heightened regional maritime risks. The Kaifan, an oil products tanker owned by Kuwait Oil Tanker, was the vessel attacked in the strait, according to security consultancy EOS Risk Group.

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The vessel is currently in the Arabian Sea. The South Korean company did not immediately respond to an emailed request for comment. The threat by Iran-backed Houthi militants to blockade Saudi Arabia’s maritime traffic has added another element of risk.

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A tanker came under attack early Tuesday in the Hormuz strait off Oman, forcing the crew to abandon the vessel, the British military’s United Kingdom Maritime Trade Operations centre said. Iran’s Revolutionary Guards claimed the attack as well as two other attacks on ships in the waterway on Monday.

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